Tuesday, December 7, 2010

ทางสายกลางของอาริสโตเติล

กับมัชฌิมาปฏิปทาในพระพุทธศาสนาเถรวาท

ทางสายกลางของอาริสโตเติลคืออะไร ?

ทางสายกลางในทรรศนะของอาริสโตเติล คือ ค่า เฉลี่ยที่เป็นความพอเหมาะพอดีถูกต้องเหมาะสมแก่บุคคลในแต่ละกรณี ในชีวิตประจำวันของมนุษย์ จำต้องมุ่งไปที่ทางสายกลางเพื่อความอยู่รอดและความสมดุลแห่งชีวิต ทาง สายกลางคือจุดกึ่งกลางระหว่างสิ่งที่มากเกินไปกับสิ่งที่ขาดพร่อง เช่น จุดกึ่งกลางของวัตถุก็คือตำแหน่งที่อยู่ห่างจากที่สุดแต่ละข้างในระยะ ตำแหน่งที่เท่ากันนั่นเอง ในวัตถุสิ่งของ ถ้า ๑๙ เป็นจำนวนข้างมาก ๑ เป็นจำนวนข้างน้อย จุดกึ่งกลางระหว่าง ๑๙ กับ ๑ ก็คือ ๑๐ เพราะจำนวน ๑๐ มากกว่า ๑ และน้อยกว่า ๑๙ ในอัตราที่เท่ากัน

๘ ๗ ๖ ๕ ๔ ๓ ๒ ๑ ---------- ๑ ๒ ๓ ๔ ๕ ๖ ๗ ๘
1 - O O O O O O O O - 10 - O O O O O O O O - 19

ในทรรศนะของอาริสโตเติล ทางสายกลางที่เกี่ยวกับวิถีชีวิตของมนุษย์ เราไม่สามารถกำหนดได้แน่นอนว่า ตำแหน่งหรือจุดใดคือจุดที่เรียกว่า “ทางสายกลางของแต่ละบุคคล” เพราะจุดที่เป็นทางสายกลางของแต่ละบุคคลไม่มีเกณฑ์มาตรฐานแน่นอนตายตัว แต่ ขึ้นอยู่กับความจำเป็นและปริบทแห่งสังคมของแต่ละบุคคล จุดที่เป็นทางสายกลางของบุคคลหนึ่ง อาจจะเป็นจุดที่ขาดพร่องหรือมากเกินไปของอีกบุคคลหนึ่งก็ได้ เช่น

ก๊วยเตี๋ยวจำนวน ๓ ชามอาจจะมากเกินไป และก๊วยเตี๋ยวจำนวน ๑ ชามอาจจะน้อยเกินไปสำหรับนายวิชัย เพราะนายวิชัยมีความจำเป็นต้องบริโภคมื้อละ ๒ ชาม ในขณะที่ก๊วยเตี๋ยวจำนวน ๒ ชามอาจไม่พอดีสำหรับนายวิรัตน์ก็ได้ เพราะนายวิรัตน์มีความจำเป็นต้องบริโภค มื้อละ ๓ ชาม โดยมีจำนวน ๒ ชามเป็นจำนวนข้างน้อย และ ๔ ชามเป็นจำนวนข้างมาก

เงินเดือน ๒,๐๐๐ บาทอาจจะเป็นจำนวนที่เหลือเฟือและเงินเดือนจำนวน ๑,๐๐๐ บาทอาจจะเป็นจำนวนที่น้อยเกินไปสำหรับนางสาวนิตยาผู้ทำหน้าที่เป็นสาวโรงงาน ในชานเมืองแห่งหนึ่ง เพราะเธอมีความจำเป็นต้องใช้สอยและเก็บไว้บ้างเพียงเดือนละ ๑,๕๐๐ บาทเท่านั้น ในขณะเดียวกัน เงินจำนวน ๑,๕๐๐ บาทอาจไม่พอค่ากาแฟรายเดือนของนายโสภณผู้เป็นเจ้าของกิจการขนาดใหญ่กลาง เมืองหลวงก็ได้

ในเรื่องขนบธรรมเนียมประเพณี การใช้ช้อนกลางหรือใช้ช้อนตักข้าวเหนียวเข้า ปาก อาจจะเป็นเรื่องหยุมหยิมเจ้าอนามัยเกินไป และการยกจานเอาปากคาบข้าวเหนียวจากจาน อาจจะเป็นกิริยาที่หยาบกระด้างเกินไปสำหรับชาวชนบทอีสาน เพราะพวกเขานิยมใช้มือสะอาดพอควรปั้นข้าวเหนียวใส่ปาก และไม่นิยมใช้ช้อนกลาง ในขณะที่กิริยาลักษณะแบบนี้เอามาใช้กับสังคมเมืองหลวงไม่ได้

การประกอบพิธีมงคลสมรสที่มีขั้นตอนซับซ้อนตามหลักศาสนาฮินดู อาจเป็นเรื่องหยุมหยิมยุ่งยากเกินไปสำหรับชาวตะวันตกหรือแม้แต่คนที่นับถือ ศาสนาอื่น ในขณะเดียวกัน การประกอบพิธีมงคลสมรสที่มีขั้นตอนไม่ซับซ้อน เพียงแต่เชิญแขกมาร่วมงานและกล่าวคำปฏิญญาต่อหน้าพระก็อาจจะเป็นเรื่องที่ มักง่ายเกินไปสำหรับชาวฮินดูเช่นกัน ถามว่า “จุดไหนที่พอจะเรียกได้ว่าเป็นจุดกึ่งกลางพอดีเมื่อคน ๒ กลุ่มนี้มาอยู่รวมกัน ?”

สมมติเอาพิธีกรรมของฮินดูเป็นเลข ๑๐ พิธีกรรมของศาสนาอื่น ๆ เป็นเลข ๑ จุดกึ่งกลางระหว่างเลข ๑๐ กับเลข ๑ ก็คือ ๕.๕ (๑+๒+๓+๔+๕+=๕.๕=+๖+๗+๘+๙+๑๐) เพราะ ๕.๕ อยู่ห่างจาก ๑ และ ๑๐ ในระยะทางที่เท่ากัน บุคคลหนึ่ง สถานการณ์หนึ่ง ความคิดหรือการกระทำหนึ่งจะมี ๒ ลักษณะเสมอเมื่อมีการเปรียบเทียบกับ ๒ สิ่งที่อยู่ตรงกันข้าม
คนธรรมดาคนหนึ่งดูเหมือนจะหยาบกระด้างเมื่อเปรียบเทียบกับคนที่ขลาดกลัว และดูเหมือนจะขลาดกลัวเมื่อเปรียบเทียบกับคนที่หยาบกระด้าง ใน ทำนองเดียวกัน คนที่ใช้ชีวิตอยู่ในระดับธรรมดาดูเหมือนจะเป็นปล่อยตัวตามอำเภอใจเกินไป เมื่อเทียบกับคนที่กระเหม็ดกระแหม่ และคนที่ชอบเอื้อเฟื้อเผื่อแผ่ดูเหมือนจะเป็นคนสุรุ่ยสุร่ายเมื่อเทียบกับคน ที่ดำรงชีวิตอยู่อย่างเรียบง่ายสมถะและดูเหมือนว่าเป็นการดำรงชีวิตอยู่ใน ทางเรียบง่ายสมถะเมื่อเทียบกับคนที่สุรุ่ยสุร่าย

ความเป็นกลางมีโอกาสที่จะเอียงไปด้านซ้ายหรือขวาตลอดเวลา อยู่ที่มุมมองและการเปรียบเทียบ เช่น คนที่มีวิถีชีวิตปกติธรรมดา ในสภาวปกติอยู่คนเดียวก็ไม่มีอะไร ถ้ามีคนลักษณะแตกต่างกันอีก ๒ คนมาอยู่ด้วย คนหนึ่งมีนิสัยขลาดกลัว อีกคนหนึ่งมีนิสัยหยาบกระด้าง วิถีชีวิตปกติธรรมดาดูจะไม่ปกติเสียแล้วถ้านำ ไปเปรียบเทียบกับวิถีชีวิตของสองคนที่มาใหม่ เมื่อเปรียบเทียบกับคนที่หยาบกระด้าง คนที่มีนิสัยปกติธรรมดาดูเหมือนจะเป็นขลาดกลัว แต่เมื่อเปรียบเทียบกับคนที่ขาดกลัว คนที่มีนิสัยปกติธรรมดาดูเหมือนจะเป็นคนหยาบกระด้าง

ขลาดกลัว ธรรมดา หยาบกระด้าง

ในกรณีอื่น ๆ ก็เหมือนกัน เช่น วิถีชีวิตเรียบง่ายปกติธรรม เมื่อเปรียบเทียบกับคนที่กระเหม็ดกระแหม่ ก็ยังดูเหมือนจะเป็นคนสุรุ่ยสุร่าย แต่เมื่อเปรียบเทียบกับคนที่สุรุ่ยสุร่าย ก็ดูเหมือนจะเป็นคนกระเหม็ดกระแหม่

กระเหม็ดกระแหม่ ชีวิตธรรมดา สุรุ่ยสุร่าย

จึงสรุปได้ว่า ทาง สายกลางขึ้นอยู่กับความจำเป็นและบริบทของสังคมของแต่ละบุคคล และไม่มีสถานะแน่นอนตายตัว เพราะขึ้นอยู่กับกาละ เทศะ บุคคล และบริบททางสังคมอื่น ๆ อีกหลายอย่าง นอกจากนี้ ยังขึ้นอยู่กับมุมมองเชิงเปรียบเทียบด้านซ้าย ด้านขวา ด้านหน้า ด้านหลัง สภาพสังคมวัฒนธรรม เรื่องจรรยาบรรณ วัฒนธรรมของสังคมแต่ละถิ่นที่และแต่ละยุค ความนิยมหรือไม่นิยมในแต่ละเรื่องของคนในชุมชนนั้น ๆ

ทางสายกลาง กาลเวลา และสถานที่

เนื่องจากอาริสโตเติลเป็นบิดาแห่งรัฐศาสตร์ ดังนั้น อาริสโตเติลจึงเน้นวิถีชีวิตที่จะอยู่รอดได้อย่างเป็นสุขจริงในสังคมเป็น หลัก สมมติว่า นายศุภชัยเป็นเจ้าของกิจการรับเหมาก่อสร้างขนาดใหญ่ ดำเนินกิจการมาเป็นเวลา ๒๐ ปี วิถีชีวิตของเขาสุขสบายมาตลอดเวลา ๒๐ ปี สร้างผลกำไรพอเลี้ยงตัวและครอบครัวได้โดยไม่เดือดร้อนเสมอมา

ในทรรศนะของอาริสโตเติลถือว่า อาชีพของนายศุภชัยคือจุดที่เป็นทางสายกลางสำหรับเขา เพราะมันทำให้ชีวิตของเขาและครอบครัวสุขสบาย แต่เมื่อถึงปัจจุบัน กิจการของเขาเริ่มประสบปัญหา ค่าวัสดุก่อสร้างแพงขึ้น ค่าแรงงานแพงขึ้น งานรับเหมาก่อสร้างน้อยลง ในระยะ ๒-๓ ปีหลังนี้ เขาประสบภาวะขาดทุนมาโดยตลอด

ถามว่า “กิจการของนายศุภชัยยังคงเป็นทางสายกลางสำหรับเขาอยู่หรือไม่ ?”
ตอบว่า “ไม่” เพราะเวลาได้เปลี่ยนแปลงไป สิ่งแวดล้อมเปลี่ยนไป ทางสายกลางที่เป็นจุดกึ่งกลางย่อมมีสิทธิ์เปลี่ยนไปเป็นที่สุดโต่งข้างน้อย หรือที่สุดโต่งข้างมากได้ หรือสมมติว่า กิจการของศุภชัยมีความจำเป็นต้องย้ายสถานที่ประกอบการ พอย่ายสถานที่ประกอบการ เขาเริ่มประสบภาวะขาดทุนทันที สิ่งที่เคยพอดีสำหรับเขา มาบัดนี้กลับไม่พอดีเสียแล้ว นี่คือคำตอบต่อปัญหาที่ว่า “สายทางกลางของอาริสโตเติลขึ้นอยู่กับกาลเวลาและสถานที่หรือไม่”

ในทรรศนะของอาริสโตเติล ทางสายกลางของแต่ละบุคคลย่อมไม่เหมือนกัน จุดที่เป็นทางสายกลางของนาย ก. จะเอามาใช้กับนาย ข. ไม่ได้ เพราะเป็นไปได้ยากจริง ๆ ที่ความจำเป็นและบริบททางสังคมและสถานะของแต่ละบุคคลจะเหมือนกันทุกอย่าง

สิ่งที่เป็นกลางพอดีย่อม มากกว่าเมื่อเทียบกับสิ่งที่น้อยกว่า และย่อมน้อยกว่าเมื่อเทียบกับสิ่งที่ มากกว่า ถ้าบุคคลกล้าหาญ (A) ดูเหมือนว่าจะเป็นคนหยาบกระด้าง (B) เมื่อเทียบกับบุคคลผู้ขลาดกลัว (C) และดูเหมือนจะเป็นพวกขลาดกลัวเมื่อเทียบกับบุคคลหยาบกระด้าง

เมื่อไม่มีการเปรียบเทียบ ความกล้าหาญ(A) เป็นจุดกึ่งกลางพอดี เป็นทางสายกลางในทรรศนะของอาริสโตเติล แต่เมื่อใดก็ตามที่มีการเปรียบเทียบ ความเป็นจุดกึ่งกลางพอดีก็อาจเปลี่ยนไป นายวรพลซึ่งเป็นคนใจกว้างดูเหมือนว่าจะเป็นพวกสุรุ่ยสุร่ายเมื่อเทียบกับนาย วีรยุทธ์ซึ่งเป็นคนใจแคบ และนายวรพลนี่แหละดูเหมือนจะเป็นคนใจแคบเมื่อเทียบ กับนายวีรศักดิ์ที่เป็นคนสุรุ่ยสุร่าย

ใจแคบ ใจกว้าง สุรุ่ยสุร่าย
วีรยุทธ์ วรพล วีรศักดิ์

T--------------------- สุรุ่ยสุร่าย
ใจแคบ --------------------T

มีปัญหาว่า “ความรู้สึกและการกระทำของมนุษย์ทุกอย่างต่างมีจุดกึ่งกลางหรือความพอดีทั้งนั้นหรือไม่ ?” อา ริสโตเติลเองได้ตอบปัญหานี้โดยการเสนอว่า ความรู้สึกและการกระทำที่เป็นความ ชั่วโดยสิ้นเชิงแล้วนั้น ไม่มีทางหาจุดกึ่งกลางที่เป็นความพอดีได้ เช่น กายทุจริต วจีทุจริต มโนทุจริต บุคคลผู้ทำความชั่วย่อมผิดโดยสถานเดียว เพราะความชั่วเป็นข้อสุดโต่งแล้วโดยอัตโนมัติ อาจจะเป็นข้อสุดโต่งข้างน้อยหรือข้างมากก็ได้ ในทำนองเดียวกัน สิ่งที่เป็นความพอดีโดยแน่นอนแล้ว ย่อมไม่มีความจำเป็นต้องหาจุดกึ่งกลาง เพราะความดีย่อมอยู่ตรงจุดกึ่งกลางแล้วโดยอัตโนมัติ

มีปัญหาว่า ในเมื่อสิ่งที่เป็นความดีโดยแน่นอนไม่จำเป็นต้องหาจุดกึ่งกลาง เพราะมันอยู่ตรงจุดกึ่งกลางแล้วโดยอัตโนมัติ และสิ่งที่เป็นความชั่วโดยแน่นอนแล้วนั้น ย่อมไม่มีจุดกึ่งกลาง ความรู้สึกและการกระทำระดับไหนที่มีจุดกึ่งกลาง และเป็นสิ่งที่เราจำเป็นต้องหาจุดกึ่งกลาง ?

อาริสโตเติลกล่าวว่า ความดีทางจริยธรรมย่อมเป็นทางสายกลางระหว่างความชั่ว ๒ อย่าง คือ ความมากเกินไปและความขาดพร่อง ลักษณะความดีทางจริยธรรมก็คือมุ่งไปที่จุดกึ่งกลางระหว่างอารมณ์กับการกระทำ ไม่ใช่เรื่องง่ายที่จะค้นพบจุดกึ่งกลาง ซึ่งก็เหมือนกับการหาจุดกึ่งกลางของวงกลมนั่นแหละ

ความดี ๒ ระดับ

อาริสโตเติลไม่ใช่พวกเจ้าลัทธิตกขอบด้านใดด้านหนึ่ง แนวความคิดเชิงปรัชญาจึงค่อนข้างจะประณีประนอมไม่ดื้อดึง อาริสโตเติลแบ่ง ความดีเป็น ๒ ระดับ คือ
๑. ความดีระดับธรรมดา หรือระดับธรรมชาติ
๒. ความดีระดับสมบูรณ์
ความดีระดับธรรมดา ยังไม่สมบูรณ์สูงสุด จำเป็นต้องหาจุดกึ่งกลาง เพราะเป็นเรื่องวิถีชีวิตในโลกิยสังคมของมนุษย์ ซึ่งแต่ละคนต่างมีสภาวะ ความจำเป็น บริบทแห่งสังคมแตกต่างกันออกไป ทุกอย่างในในโลกิยสังคมย่อมมีการหมุนเวียนเปลี่ยนแปลงไปตามกฎแห่ง สังขตธรรม สิ่งที่เป็นจุดกึ่งกลางของนาย ก. ณ ที่นี้เดี๋ยวนี้ เมื่อเปลี่ยนที่เปลี่ยนเวลา อาจไม่ใช่จุดกึ่งกลางก็ได้ สิ่งที่เป็นทางสายกลางของนาย ก. ขณะที่อยู่คนเดียวอาจไม่เป็นทางสายกลางก็ได้เมื่อไปอยู่รวมกับคนอื่น หรือเมื่อเวลาเปลี่ยนแปลง ทุกอย่างอาจเปลี่ยนแปลงไป อาริสโตเติลย้ำตรงจุดนี้ว่า

ถ้า ทุกอย่างมันดีอยู่แล้ว นั่นย่อมถือเป็นโชคดี ความดีทุกอย่างย่อมมีจุดกึ่งกลางหรือทางสายกลางแล้วโดยอัตโนมัติ แต่ถ้าเปลี่ยนไปกลายเป็นความไม่ดีและไม่เหมาะสมเมื่อใด เมื่อนั้นจำเป็นต้องหาจุดกึ่งกลาง นี่คือลักษณะของความดีระดับธรรมดา

ข้อความนี้เหมือนกำลังบอกว่า “ไม่มีหนทางใดบนโลกนี้ที่โรยด้วยดอกกุหลาบ” ความเป็นคนโชคดีทุกเวลาและสถานที่ไม่ใช่หาได้ง่าย บางกรณี คนดี สถานที่ดี สิ่งแวดล้อมดี แต่สิ่งที่กำลังทำอยู่ไม่ดี ก็ต้องพยายามหาจุดกึ่งกลางให้ได้ บางกรณี คนดี สถานที่ดี สิ่งที่กำลังทำดี แต่สิ่งแวดล้อมไม่มี ก็ไม่มีจุดกึ่งกลาง ต้องพยายามหากันต่อไป

ความดีระดับสมบูรณ์ ไม่จำเป็นต้องหาจุดกึ่งกลาง เพราะสภาพความเป็นสังคมมีน้อย คนที่บรรลุถึงความดีสูงสุดมีสภาพเหมือนกับกลับเข้าไปสู่ต้นแบบดั้งเดิมของ ตัวเอง กลับไปอยู่ในกล่องซึ่งมีสภาพแวดล้อมจัดไว้ลงตัวแล้วสำหรับเขา อาริสโตเติลดู เหมือนจะเชื่อในทฤษฎีแบบที่พลาโตแสดงไว้

บ่อเกิดทางสายกลาง

ในทรรศนะของอาริสโตเติล ความรู้สึกและการกระทำที่เป็นความพอดีเป็นทางสายกลางนั้น เป็นจุดกึ่งกลางระหว่างความเลว ๒ อย่าง คือ
๑. ความมากเกินไปหรือสิ่งที่มากเกินไป
๒. ความขาดพร่อง หรือสิ่งที่น้อยเกินไป
อาริสโตเติลเน้นความดีอันเป็นคุณธรรมกลางที่มันมาสัมพันธ์กับความเป็นอยู่ใน โลกิยสังคมของมนุษย์ อะไรก็ตามที่ทำให้ชีวิตมนุษย์แต่ละคนเป็นสุขในโลกิยสังคมแห่งรัฐได้อย่างมี ศักดิ์ศรีและคุณค่า สิ่งนั้นถือเป็นจุดกึ่งกลางอันเป็นความพอดีสำหรับชีวิต

ในวิถีชีวิตมนุษย์ระดับสังคมนั้น ทางสายกลางเกิดขึ้นได้โดยการเอาความต้องการของมนุษย์ทุกคนมารวมกันแล้ว หารด้วยจำนวนคนทั้งหมด ผลหารนั่นแหละคือจุดที่เป็นทางสายกลาง ในการอธิบายปรัชญาอาริสโตเติลจึงมักมีผู้นิยมใช้ภาษาสถิติว่า Mean=ค่ามัชฌิมเลขคณิต เช่น เราต้องการทราบว่าอัตราค่าครองชีพโดยเฉลี่ยของคน ๕ คนในเวลา ๑ เดือนเป็นจำนวนเท่าไร ในกรณีที่นาย ก. ใช้ ๕๐๐ บาท นาย ข. ใช้ ๗๐๐ บาท นาย ค. ใช้ ๘๐๐ บาท นาย ง.ใช้ ๘๕๐ นาย จ. ใช้ ๙๐๐ บาท เรารู้ได้โดยการหาค่ามัชฌิมเลขคณิตดังนี้

A + B + C + D + E = X
5
๕๐๐ + ๗๐๐ + ๘๐๐ + ๘๕๐ + ๙๐๐ = ๗๔๐


ค่าครองชีพโดยเฉลี่ยในกรณีนี้คือ ๗๔๐ บาทต่อเดือน ในวิถีชีวิตมนุษย์แบบปัจเจกชน ทางสายกลางเกิดขึ้นได้โดยการรวมความต้องการทั้งหมดของเขาเข้าด้วยกันแล้วหาร ด้วยสภาวะทั้งหมดของเขาเอง นี่คือจุดที่เป็นทางสายกลางในทรรศนะของอาริสโตเติล ปัญหาอยู่ตรงที่ว่า “เราจะไปถึงจุดที่ว่านี้ได้อย่างไร ?” ก่อนที่จะไปถึงจุดนั้น อาริสโตเติลเสนอเครื่องมือเพื่อนำไปสู่จุดที่ว่านั้นดังนี้

๑. การศึกษา อา ริสโตเติลกล่าวว่า ความเฉลียวฉลาดหาได้จากการศึกษา ส่วนธรรมจรรยาหาได้จากการปฏิบัติ ความเฉลียวฉลาดเป็นสิ่งกลาง ๆ อาจจะเป็นสิ่งที่ดีหรือชั่วก็ได้ ขึ้นอยู่กับจุดมุ่งหมาย ความเฉลียวฉลาดที่พัฒนาขึ้นไปสู่สภาวะที่เรียกว่า “เชาวน์ปัญญา” หรือ “พุทธิปัญญา” เท่านั้น จึงจะทำให้เกิดการตัดสินใจที่ถูกต้องได้

๒. การยับยั้งใจ ความ ไม่ยับยั้งใจถือเป็นความเลว เพราะทำให้พลาดจากความดีอันเป็นกลางไปสู่ที่สุด โต่งข้างมากหรือข้างน้อย การยับยั้งใจเป็นการชะลอการลงมือปฏิบัติเพื่อลด ความเข้มของความรู้สึกและการกระทำให้ลงมาอยู่ในระดับที่พอดี คนที่มีการศึกษาหากไม่มีการยับยั้งใจ ย่อมทำให้ลงมือกระทำอย่างขาดสติ

๓. การไตร่ตรองอย่างรอบคอบ หมาย ถึงการพิจารณา การคิดคำนวณใคร่ครวญอย่างรอบคอบ การพิจารณาอย่างช้า ๆ และลงมือปฏิบัติอย่างเฉียบพลันเมื่อได้ผลสรุปแล้ว อาริสโตเติลกล่าวว่า การ ไตร่ตรองอย่างรอบคอบเป็นเรื่องของความคิดที่ถูกต้อง ยึดหลักเหตุผล คิดโดยกรรมวิธีที่ถูกต้อง การไม่ถึงบทสรุปอย่างเร่งรีบ

เครื่องมือ ๓ ประการนี้ มีลักษณะเป็นบูรณาการ คือ ทั้ง ๓ รวมลงเป็น ๑ จึงจะทำให้ไปถึงจุดที่เป็นทางสายกลางได้

องค์ประกอบของทางสายกลาง

องค์ประกอบของทางสายกลางเป็นหลักตัดสินว่า จุดที่ว่านั้นเป็นทางสายกลางจริงหรือไม่ เพราะในวิถีชีวิตมนุษย์ ความพอดีของนาย ก. อาจเป็นสาเหตุทำให้นาย ข. เดือด ร้อน กรณีอย่างนี้อาจทำให้เกิดความสับสนได้ว่า ความพอดีของนาย ก.เป็นทางสายกลางจริงหรือไม่ องค์ประกอบที่เป็นหลักตัดสินทางสายกลางนั้น มี ๕ อย่าง คือ
๑. เป็นความรู้สึกและการกระทำในเวลาที่เหมาะสม (at the right time)
๒. เป็นความรู้สึกและการกระทำสิ่งที่ดีต่อบุคคลที่ดี (the right thing to the right person)
๓. เป็นความรู้สึกและการกระทำเพื่อจุดมุ่งหมายที่ดี (the right extent)
๔. เป็นความรู้สึกและการกระทำในวิถีทางที่ถูกต้อง (the right way)
๕. เป็นความรู้สึกและการกระทำด้วยเจตนาดี (with the right motive)
พฤติกรรมทุกอย่างจะต้องใช้องค์ประกอบทั้ง ๕ อย่างนี้ตัดสินว่าเป็นทางสายกลางหรือไม่ ? ในกรณีของนาย ก. อาจเป็นความพอดีอันเป็นกลางหรือไม่ก็ได้ นาย ก.อาจเป็นเจ้าหน้าที่ตำรวจที่ปฏิบัติหน้าที่อย่างเที่ยงตรงพอดีพอเหมาะกับตัวเอง จนทำให้นาย ข. ซึ่งเป็นโจรเกิดความเดือดร้อนก็ได้ หรือถ้าไม่เป็นทางสายกลาง นาย ก. อาจเป็นเจ้าของโรงลิเกซึ่งเปิดแสดงกลางตลาดเก็บเงินค่าผ่านประตู ส่งเครื่องขยายเสียงรบกวนหูชาวบ้านในยามค่ำคืนก็ได้ ทั้งนี้ต้องไม่ลืมว่า องค์ประกอบ ๕ อย่างนี้ใช้ตัดสินเฉพาะในเรื่องความดีระดับธรรมดาเท่านั้น การที่นาย ค.ประพฤติผิดในกามในเวลาที่เหมาะสม ในสถานที่ดี ในหญิงที่ดี เพื่อจุดมุ่งหมายที่ดี และในวิถีทางที่ถูกต้อง เราไม่อาจเรียกว่าเป็นความดีที่เป็นทางสายกลางได้

ความสำคัญของทางสายกลาง

ทางสายกลางเป็นเรื่องของความรู้สึกและการกระทำที่พอเหมาะพอดีกับแต่ละบุคคล เป็นสภาวะกลางที่ทุกคนต้องขวนขวายหาเอาเองเพื่อสร้างความสมดุลในตัวเอง และ ทำให้สามารถอยู่รอดได้ในสังคมโลกพร้อมกับสันติสุขที่แท้จริง

ในสรรพสิ่งที่เป็นความดีระดับธรรมดานั้น ย่อมหาจุดกึ่งกลางได้เสมอ นั่นคือสัตว์โลกโดยเฉพาะอย่างยิ่งมนุษย์มีสิทธิที่จะหาจุดกึ่งกลางที่พอ เหมาะพอดีกับตัวเองได้ “ค่อนข้างจะมั่นใจว่า ที่อาริสโตเติลสอนหลักทางสายกลางนี้ แท้ที่จริงแล้ว ท่านต้องการสอนให้รู้ว่า ชีวิตคือการต่อสู้นั่นเอง” อาริสโตเติลจึงมองว่า ทางสายกลางถือเป็นทางเลือก เพื่อความอยู่รอดของมนุษย์ สัตว์โลกโดยเฉพาะมนุษย์สามารถอยู่รอดได้ เพราะในทุกอย่างที่เป็นความดีระดับธรรมดานั้น มีจุดกึ่งกลางหรือทางสายกลางอันเป็นความพอดีไว้ให้เลือกอยู่ แท้ที่จริงแล้ว อาริสโตเติลต้องการกระตุ้นให้มนุษย์ต่อสู้กับอุปสรรคที่เข้ามาขัดขวางวิถี ชีวิตซึ่งอาจต้องประสบเข้าสักวันหนึ่ง ดังข้อความตอนหนึ่งว่า

ทุก ศิลป์ ทุกการแสวงหา ทุกการกระทำ และทุกการเลือกสรรย่อมมีจุดกึ่งกลางอันเป็นความพอดีเป็นจุดหมายสุดท้าย ทุกสิ่งมุ่งไปที่ความดีอันเป็นจุดกึ่งกลางนั้น

ความเป็นด็อกเตอร์ดูเหมือนจะเป็นสิ่งที่สูงส่งและไกลเกินฝันสำหรับคนชนบท บ้านนอกทั้งหลาย มองด้วยสายตาและประเมินด้วยความรู้สึกอย่างคร่าว ๆ เราก็พอจะรู้ว่าทุกอย่างที่จะพาไปสู่ความเป็นด็อกเตอร์นั้น ต้องเป็นสิ่งที่สุดโต่งข้างมากทั้งนั้นสำหรับเรา ในกรณีอย่างนี้ อาริสโตเติลบอกว่า “ยังก่อนท่านผู้นิรทุกข์ทั้งหลาย ทุกสิ่งที่เป็นความดีระดับธรรมดานั้นต้องประกอบด้วยสภาวะทั้ง ๓ อย่างพร้อมกัน คือ (๑)มากเกินไป (๒)พอดี (๓)น้อยเกินไป”

วิถีชีวิตของนาย ก.ผู้ ต้องรับภาระเลี้ยงดูลูกถึง ๖ คน โดยการเข็นรถขายไอศกรีมนั้น ย่อมเต็มไปด้วยความขาดแคลนขัดสน ขาดพร่องไปเสียทุกอย่าง ในสังคมนั้น อาจจะมีกิจการอื่นที่สร้างผลกำไรมหาศาล เช่น การเป็นเจ้าของธนาคาร หรือการเป็นเจ้าของกิจการโรงงานต่อรถยนต์ขนาดใหญ่ การที่นาย ก.ไม่สามารถเป็นเจ้าของกิจการธนาคารหรือโรงงานต่อรถยนต์ ก็ไม่ได้หมายความว่า เขาต้องจมปลักอยู่กับการเข็นรถขายไอศกรีมตลอดไป นาย ก.มีสิทธิที่จะเลือกอาชีพและพบอาชีพที่พอดีพอเหมาะเแก่การดำรงชีพของเขาได้ ซึ่งอาจจะเป็นการตั้งร้านขายข้าวแกงก็ได้

กรณีของนาย ก.นี้ เราจะเห็นว่า การเป็นเจ้าของกิจการธนาคารหรือโรงงานประกอบรถยนต์เป็นที่สุดโต่งข้างมาก การเข็นรถขายไอศกรีมเป็นที่สุดโต่งข้างน้อย โดยมีการเป็นเจ้าของร้านขายข้าวแกงเป็นทางสายกลาง อาริสโตเติลบอกไว้เป็นทางเผื่อเลือกอีกอย่างหนึ่งว่า ถ้าไม่สามารถหาพบทางสายกลางสำหรับตนเองได้ ก็ต้องเลือกเอาข้างที่ชั่วร้าย น้อยกว่า คือที่ตัวเราเห็นว่าชั่วร้ายน้อยกว่าอีกข้างหนึ่งนั่นเอง

ทางสายกลางของอาริสโตเติล
กับมัชฌิมาปฏิปทาในพระพุทธศาสนาเถรวาท

(๑) ข้อพิจารณาประเด็นที่เหมือนกัน

อาริสโตเติลใช้คำว่า “คุณธรรม” แทนคำว่า “ทางสายกลาง” ในบางกรณี เพราะคุณธรรมเป็นทางสายกลางแล้วโดยอัตโนมัติ อาริสโตเติลเองมีความเชื่อว่า บุคคลจะบรรลุคุณธรรมหรือทางสายกลางนี้ได้ก็เฉพาะในสังคมเท่านั้น และรัฐเท่านั้นที่จะสามารถช่วยให้ปัจเจกชนบรรลุคุณธรรมได้ คุณธรรมอันเป็นทางสายกลางถือเป็นจริยธรรมทางสังคมโดยสาระ เพราะมีลักษณะเป็นการประสานประนีประนอมหรือบูรณะสถานะ สภาวะ ความจำเป็นของมนุษย์แต่ละคนเข้ามาสู่จุดที่เป็นดุลยภาพ อาริสโตเติลมักพูด ถึงเรื่องในลักษณะต่อไปนี้เสมอ

ที่สุดโต่งข้างน้อย

ทางสายกลาง

ที่สุดโต่งข้างมาก
ความเกียจคร้าน

ความสันโดษ

ความละโมบ
ความถ่อมตัวเกินไป

ความเปิดใจกว้าง

มานะทิฏฐิ
ความไม่แยแสไม่ใส่ใจ

ความสุภาพอ่อนโยน

ความหงุดหงิดจู้จี้
ความเครียดหน้างอ

ความมีมิตรไมตรี

การประจบประแจง
ความแกล้งโง่เซ่อ

ความจริงใจ

การคุยอวดใหญ่โต

เมื่อพิจารณาดูให้ดีแล้ว จะเห็นได้ว่า ทุกอย่างที่อาริสโตเติลพูดถึง ล้วนเป็นหลักปฏิบัติที่เนื่องด้วยสังคมทั้งสิ้น เป็นหลักมนุษยสัมพันธ์ อาริสโตเติลแม้จะให้ความสนใจปัจเจกชนอยู่บ้าง แต่บทสรุปทุกครั้งก็จะเน้นไปที่สังคม ในกรณีที่มนุษย์คนใดคนหนึ่งใช้ชีวิตอยู่คนเดียวแล้วได้รับคำชมเชยว่า เป็นผู้ใช้ชีวิตที่เป็นกลาง อาริสโตเติลคัดค้านในข้อนี้
นางสาวจิตติมาชอบอยู่คนเดียว เธอไม่ค่อยติดต่อสัมพันธ์กับคนอื่นประมาณ ๒-๓ เดือนจึงจะมีคนไปเยี่ยมติดต่อกับเธอ และทุกคนที่ไปหาเธอ ต่างชมเชยเธอว่าเป็นคนดี สันโดษ เปิดใจกว้าง สุภาพอ่อนโยน เอาใจเก่ง มีมิตรไมตรี มีความจริงใจเป็นที่สุด

ในกรณีของนางสาวจิตติมานี้ อาริสโตเติลถือว่าอาจจะไม่ใช่วิถีชีวิตที่อยู่ใน ทางสายกลางก็ได้ เพราะโดยความเป็นจริงแล้ว มนุษย์ไม่สามารถอยู่คนเดียวตลอดไปได้ มนุษย์จะสามารถค้นพบทางสายกลางที่แท้จริงได้เฉพาะในกรณีที่ใช้ชีวิตอยู่ร่วม กับบุคคลอื่นเท่านั้น นี่คือบทสรุปหลักทางสายกลางในฐานะที่เป็นหลักปฏิบัติ เนื่องด้วยสังคม เป็นหลักสร้างความสมดุลแห่งชีวิตปัจเจกชนแล้วขยายวงกว้างออกไปถึงระดับโลก สร้างความสุขระดับธรรมดาและมีโอกาสพัฒนาขึ้นไปสู่ระดับสูงสุดเป็นนิรันดร์ ได้

มัชฌิมาปฏิปทาในพระพุทธศาสนามีกัลยาณมิตรเป็นปัจจัยเริ่มแรก กัลยาณมิตรเป็นบุพพนิมิตแห่งการเกิดขึ้นของอริยอัฏฐังคิกมรรค และความมีกัลยาณมิตรนี่เองเป็นปัจจัยทางสังคมพิเศษที่จะทำให้เกิดการปฏิบัติ ดีงามและเป็นเครื่องจุดชนวนความคิดที่เรียกว่า“โยนิโสมนสิการ” ในเบื้องต้น และเป็นเครื่องประคับประคองเสริมเติมเต็มกระตุ้นโยนิโสมนสิการ มัชฌิมปฏิปทา เป็นระบบพัฒนาชีวิตให้พ้นทุกข์โทษ เข้าใจธรรมชาติ ทะนุถนอมธรรมชาติ และอยู่ร่วมกันเป็นกลุ่มอย่างมีสุข พิจารณาจากประเด็นที่กล่าวนี้ จะเห็นว่า มัชฌิมาปฏิปทาในพระพุทธศาสนากับทางสายกลางของอาริสโตเติลเหมือนในฐานะเป็นหลักปฏิบัติเนื่องด้วยสังคม อีก ประเด็นหนึ่งที่น่าสนใจ คืออาริสโตเติลจะเน้นปัจเจกชนแล้วแผ่ออกไปสู่สังคมรวม พระพุทธศาสนาโดยเฉพาะเถรวาทนั้นจะเน้นสังคมปัจเจกชนก่อนที่จะขยายไปสู่สังคม รวมเช่นเดียวกัน แต่ประเด็นที่น่าสนใจที่สุดคงไม่พ้นเรื่อง “เจตนา” อาริสโตเติลบอกว่าเกณฑ์ตัดสินความเป็นทางสายกลางข้อหนึ่งคือ “เจตนาดี”(the right motive) พระพุทธศาสนาก็มีข้อนี้ พระพุทธเจ้าตรัสว่า “เจตนาหํ ภิกฺขเว กมฺมํ วทามิ” ภิกษุ ทั้งหลาย เรากล่าวเจตนาว่าเป็นกรรม และมีข้อความหลายตอนในคัมภีร์พระไตรปิฎกที่บอกว่า การกระทำที่ดีต้องมาจากจุดเริ่มต้นก่อนคือคิดดีเจตนาดี ถ้าคิดไม่ดี มีเจตนาไม่ดี การพูดและการกระทำทางกายก็ไม่ดีไปด้วยในขั้นนี้จะยังไม่แยกประเด็นว่าเป็นสังคมระดับโลกิยะหรือสังคมระดับโลกุตตระ


๒. ข้อพิจารณาประเด็นที่ต่างกัน

ความต่างกันทางด้านสถานะ ความ ต่างกันระหว่างหลักการทั้งสองน่าจะพิจารณาได้จากประเด็นต่อไปนี้ ทางสายกลาง ของอาริสโตเติลเป็นเรื่องของความรู้สึกและการกระทำของมนุษย์ที่เป็นไปเพื่อ ความอยู่รอดอย่างสันติสุข มีศักดิ์ศรีและคุณค่า จุดสำคัญที่ทำให้ทางสายกลางของอาริสโตเติลมีลักษณะเฉพาะมากขึ้น คือ ความเป็นทางเลือก ทุกคนจะต้องเลือกหาเอาเอง ในกรณีที่ไม่สามารถหาจุดกึ่งกลางได้ ยังสามารถเลือกเอาข้างที่ชั่วร้ายน้อยกว่า เราอาจจะให้คำนิยามทางสายกลางของอาริสโตเติลได้อย่างหนึ่งว่า “ทางเลือกที่ถูกเลือก”

จุดเด่นที่สำคัญอีกประการหนึ่ง คือ ความที่มันดำรงสภาวะกลางจริง ๆ เพราะต้องอยู่ห่างจากที่สุดโต่งข้างน้อยและข้างมากในระยะทางที่เท่ากัน ไม่ว่าจะวัดจากด้านใด แม้ว่าโดยตัวของมันเอง ทางสายกลางจะมีความเป็นกลางพอดีมีมาตรฐานอยู่ด้วยตัวของมันเอง แต่เมื่อเอามาสัมพันธ์กับวิถีชีวิตของมนุษย์ ดูคล้ายกับว่าจะเป็นสิ่งที่ไม่ แน่นอนไม่มีมาตรฐานตายตัว เพราะขึ้นอยู่กับการพิจารณาเลือกสรรของมนุษย์ ถือเป็นการดึงกฎเกณฑ์เข้ามาหาตัวมนุษย์

ความต่างกันทางด้านระดับ ทาง สายกลางอาริสโตเติลดูเหมือนจะเป็นจริยธรรมขั้นต้นเท่านั้นเมื่อเทียบกับหลัก จริยธรรมในพระพุทธศาสนา จริยธรรมในพุทธปรัชญาแบ่งเป็น ๓ ระดับ คือ (๑) ระดับศีลธรรมของสังคม คือ ศีล ๕ (๒) ระดับศีลละเอียดของสังคมคือกุศลกรรมบถ ๑๐ (๓) ระดับไตรสิกขาคือมรรคมีองค์ ๘

สามารถพูดได้อย่างไรว่า ทางสายกลางของอาริสโตเติลเทียบเท่ากับจริยธรรมระดับศีลธรรมของสังคมในพุทธ ปรัชญา ? อาริสโตเติลสอนทางสายกลางเน้นให้มนุษย์มีชีวิตอย่างสันติสุขมีศักดิ์ศรี คุณค่าในชีวิตประจำวัน โดยมีการเร่งเร้าให้มนุษย์ต่อสู้ชีวิต ขวนขวายพยายามต่อสู้ไปจนถึงที่สุด เช่น การประกอบอาชีพของมนุษย์ อาริสโตเติลกล่าวว่าอาชีพอะไรก็ได้ที่มันทำให้ชีวิตอยู่รอดได้อย่างสันติ สุขมีศักดิ์ศรีและไม่ผิดกฎหมายของบ้านเมือง

สมมติว่า นาย ก. มีอาชีพขายของชำ เนื่องจากร้านของเขาค่อนข้างจะใหญ่ ในร้านจึงเต็มไปด้วยสินค้าหลายชนิด และในจำนวนสินค้าเหล่านั้น ก็มียาฆ่าแมลง สุรา เหล้าเบียร์ แถมที่บ่อหลังบ้านยังมีการเลี้ยงปลาดุกเป็นอาชีพเสริมอีกด้วย อาชีพแบบนี้ ถ้าไปถามอาริสโตเติลว่า “นาย ก.ปฏิบัติตามหลักทางสายกลางหรือไม่ เขาค้นพบทางสายกลางหรือจุดกึ่งกลางหรือ ไม่ ?”

อาริสโตเติลจะตอบว่า “เขาค้นพบทางสายกลางแล้วแน่นอน เพราะเขาประกอบอาชีพสุจริต” ใน กรณีเดียวกันนี้ หันไปมองทรรศนะทางพระพุทธศาสนาโดยเอาหลักมัชฌิมาปฏิปทามา เทียบ นักปราชญ์ทางพระพุทธศาสนาจะบอกว่า “ยังก่อน ปฏิบัติเช่นนี้ยังไม่ชื่อว่าปฏิบัติตามหลักมัชฌิมาปฏิปทา อาชีพของนาย ก.นั้นเป็นอาชีพสุจิตจริง แต่ไม่ชอบธรรม” เพราะเหตุไรนักปราชญ์ทางพระพุทธศาสนาจึงกล่าวอย่างนี้ ? นิยามความหมายขององค์มรรคข้อสัมมาอาชีวะ ซึ่งเป็นองค์หนึ่งในมรรคมีองค์ ๘ คำว่า “สัมมาอาชีวะ” หมายถึง การเลี้ยงชีพที่ถูกต้องชอบธรรม โดยงดเว้นจากาอาชีพ ๕ อย่างต่อไปนี้ คือ (๑) ค้าขายมนุษย์ (๒) ค้าขายอาวุธ (๓) เลี้ยงสัตว์เพื่อขาย/ฆ่า (๔) ค้าขายสุรา (๕) ค้าขายยาพิษ

นี่คือความต่างกันอย่างเห็นได้ชัดระหว่างทางสายกลางของอาริสโตเติลกับ มัชฌิมาปฏิปทาในพระพุทธศาสนา ความจริง ทางสายกลางของอาริสโตเติลอธิบายเปรียบเทียบกับหลักปุริสธรรม ๗ ได้ดีที่สุด ไม่ว่าจะเป็นอัตตัญญุตา ความรู้จักตน มัตตัญญุตา ความรู้จักประมาณ ปริสัญญุตา ความรู้จักบริษัท

ความต่างกันในด้านเกณฑ์ตัดสิน หลัก ปุริสธรรมในพระพุทธศาสนาถือเป็นจริยศาสตร์สังคมที่เอื้ออำนวยแก่การอยู่เป็น สุขในสังคม เป็นเรื่องของความรู้จักสังคมและในขณะเดียวกันก็ปรับตัวเองให้เข้ากับสังคม ได้อย่างกลมกลืนไม่แปลกแยก เพราะการที่บุคคลจะสามารถเลือกแนวทางอันเป็นจุดกึ่งกลางพอดีสำหรับตัวเองได้ ในเบื้องต้นต้องรู้จักตัวเอง รู้จักประมาณ รู้จักชุมชน และรู้จักการเข้าหาชุมชน แต่ปัญหาก็คือ ถ้าเปรียบเทียบอย่างนี้ นักจริยศาสตร์ยุคปัจจุบันก็จะไม่เห็นด้วยอีก เพราะถือว่าทางสายกลางของอาริสโตเติลเป็นจริยศาสตร์ เมื่อจะเปรียบเทียบหลักพระพุทธศาสนาก็ควรที่จะเปรียบเทียบกับจริยศาสตร์แท้ ในพระพุทธศาสนา นั่นคือ ศีล ๕ กุศลกรรมบถ ๑๐ และอริยมรรคมีองค์ ๘ จะเปรียบเทียบกับระดับไหนนั่นเป็นอีกเรื่องหนึ่ง
ดังที่ได้กล่าวแล้วว่า ทางสายกลางของอาริสโตเติลไม่อาจวัดเป็นจำนวนเลขตายตัว เพราะถูกกำหนดโดย บริบทของสังคมและสภาพแวดล้อมหลากหลาย แต่อาริสโตเติลกล่าวไว้อย่างชัดเจนว่า

ทาง สายกลางของผู้ใดต้องขึ้นอยู่กับการกำหนดของบุคคลนั้นเอง เขาเป็นผู้รู้ดีที่สุดว่าอะไรคือทางสายกลางสำหรับเขา แต่การกำหนดทางสายกลางของเขาต้องเป็นไปตามหลักเหตุผล ไม่ใช่ความรู้สึก
ข้อความนี้เป็นเครื่องชี้ให้เห็นอย่างชัดเจนว่า ไม่มีเกณฑ์มาตรฐานสำหรับวัดความเป็นทางสายกลางในทรรศนะของอาริสโตเติล ในขณะที่หลักมัชฌิมาปฏิปทาในพระพุทธศาสนามีองค์ประกอบที่กำหนดความเป็น มัชฌิมาปฏิปทาไว้แน่นอน

มัชฌิม ปฏิปทาในพระพุทธศาสนา แปลว่า ข้อปฏิบัติอันมีในท่ามกลาง วิธีการหรือทางดำเนินชีวิตที่เป็นกลางตามธรรมชาติ สอดคล้องกับกฎธรรมชาติ เป็นหลักปฏิบัติที่สอดคล้องกับธรรมซึ่งมีองค์ประกอบ ๘ อย่าง และทำให้ผู้ดำเนินตามเป็นอารยชน เป็นทางเก่าแก่ที่เคยมีผู้เดินมาก่อนแล้ว เป็นกฎเกณฑ์ที่วางไว้เป็นมาตรฐานแน่นอน ใน วิถีชีวิตมนุษย์ ไม่จำเป็นต้องมีการเลือกสรรทางสายกลางอันเหมาะสมกับตนเอง เมื่อมีการปฏิบัติชอบ(สัมมาปฏิบัติ) ย่อมถือว่าดำเนินชีวิตเป็นกลางตามธรรมชาติ และเมื่อนั้นวิถีชีวิตของมนุษย์จะไต่ระดับขึ้นไปสู่สิ่งที่ดีเรื่อย ๆ จนถึงจุดหมายสุดท้ายคือหมดกิเลส

เราย่อมสรรเสริญสัมมาปฏิปทา ไม่ว่าจะเป็นของบรรพชิตหรือคฤหัสถ์ก็ตาม คฤหัสถ์ ก็ตาม บรรพชิตก็ตามปฏิบัติชอบแล้ว เพราะการปฏิบัตินั้นเป็นเหตุ ย่อมยังญายธรรมอันเป็นกุศลให้สำเร็จได้ ก็สัมมาปฏิปทาคืออะไร คือ สัมมาทิฏฐิ ฯลฯ สัมมาสมาธิ”
การบำเพ็ญธรรมหรือกระทำสิ่งใดก็แล้วแต่ ที่ไม่ตึงเกินไปไม่หย่อนเกินไป บางคราวก็นิยมพูดว่า “เป็นการปฏิบัติทางสายกลาง” ลักษณะอย่างนี้ถูกต้องในทรรศนะของอาริสโตเติล แต่ในพระพุทธศาสนาถือว่า ไม่ถูกต้องนัก เพราะการปฏิบัติทางสายกลางตามหลักพระพุทธศาสนานั้น ถือว่าถ้ามีความมั่นใจว่าถูกต้องจริงแล้ว ยิ่งปฏิบัติด้วยการระดมความเพียรความเอาใจใส่สุดกำลังเพียงใด ยิ่งทำให้วิถีชีวิตสมบูรณ์ประเสริฐมากขึ้นเท่านั้น การปฏิบัติที่เริ่มต้น ด้วยสัมมาทิฏฐิ ย่อมไม่เฉออกนอกทาง เพราะมีองค์ประกอบที่เป็นสัมมา คือ สัมมาทิฏฐิ ฯลฯ สัมมาสมาธิทำหน้าที่ปรับให้เกิดความสมดุลภายในตัวบุคคลโดยอัตโนมัติอยู่แล้ว

อาริสโตเติลกับแนวคิดทางพระพุทธศาสนา

อาริสโตเติลเกิดเมื่อ พ.ศ.๑๕๙ ที่เมืองสตากิราในแคว้นเธรส ก่อนพระเยซูประสูติ ๓๘๔ ปี หลังการประสูติของพระสิทธัตถะโคดมพุทธเจ้า ๒๓๙ ปี เพราะฉะนั้น สามารถตั้งข้อสันนิษฐานในระดับหนึ่งว่า อาริสโตเติลไม่ได้รับอิทธิพลจากคริศต์ศาสนา แต่จะได้รับอิทธิพลจากแนวความคิดเชิงศาสนาของลัทธิใดนั้นคิดว่าต้องมีแน่นอน ซึ่งเป็นประเด็นหนึ่งต่างหาก

ข้อมูลที่เราได้อย่างชัดเจนในตอนนี้ก็คือ อาริสโตเติลเกิดทีหลังพระพุทธเจ้า และพระพุทธศาสนาในยุคที่อาริสโตเติลเกิดนั้นอยู่ในช่วงสมัยของพระเจ้าอโศก มหาราชพอดีซึ่งถือว่าเป็นยุคทองแห่งพระพุทธศาสนาหลักพุทธปรินิพพาน พระเจ้า อโศกมหาราชเป็นกำลังสำคัญให้ความอุปถัมภ์ในการสังคายนาครั้งที่ ๓ และร่วมกับพระโมคคัลลีบุตรติสสเถระส่งสมณทูตออกไปประกาศพระศาสนายังนานาอารย ประเทศ อิทธิพลของแนวความคิดทางพระพุทธศาสนาในยุคนี้จึงแพร่หลายออกไปทั่ว ทุกทิศ ในฐานะเป็นนักปรัชญาผู้ยิ่งใหญ่ อาริสโตเติลคงไม่พลาดที่จะศึกษาแนวความคิดทางพระพุทธศาสนาอย่างแน่นอน แต่ศึกษาแล้วจะรับเอาแนวความคิดนั้นมาปฏิบัติหรือมาเป็นพื้นฐานทางปรัชญาของ ตนหรือไม่ นั่นเป็นอีกประเด็นหนึ่ง

ถ้าจะให้ผู้เขียนวิจารณ์ในประเด็นนี้ ผู้เขียนเองค่อนข้างจะมั่นใจว่า นักปรัชญาทุกคนเมื่อได้ศึกษาทฤษฎีใดแล้ว ไม่มีทางที่จะปล่อยให้ทฤษฎีนั้นผ่านเลยไปจากสมองของตัวเองอย่างแน่นอน ไม่ว่าจะยอมรับหรือปฏิเสธ แต่สิ่งหนึ่งที่เรามั่นใจได้ก็คือ นักปรัชญาจะเก็บทฤษฎีทุกอย่างที่เขาเคยมีประสบการณ์มา นักปรัชญาสำนักโยคา จารสอนเรื่อง “อาลวิญญาณ” ซึ่งเป็นที่เก็บก่อสิ่งที่มนุษย์ประสบอยู่ทุกขณะจิตในชีวิตประจำวัน สิ่งที่ ประสบมาและเก็บไว้ในอาลยวิญญาณนี้ จะปรากฏตัวออกมาทางลักษณะนิสัย ความคิดการกระทำของบุคคลไม่เวลาใดก็เวลาหนึ่ง ในกรณีของอาริสโตเติลนั้น สมมติว่าได้ยินได้ฟังจากคนอื่น หรือได้ศึกษาทฤษฎีทางพระพุทธศาสนาด้วยตัวเอง แนวความคิดทฤษฎีนั้นก็จะฝังอยู่ในส่วนลึกของจิตใจนั่นคือ “อาลยวิญญาณ” และปรากฏตัวออกมาในเมื่ออาริสโตเติลได้แสดงหลักทางสายกลาง แต่เนื่องจากอาริสโตเติลเป็นผู้หนึ่งที่มีแนวความคิดที่โดดเด่นทางด้าน ปรัชญาการเมือง เสนอรูปแบบการจัดองค์การและระเบียบที่ดีให้แก่สังคม สอนหลักจริยธรรมของปัจเจกชนในสังคม ไม่ใช่จริยธรรมของปัจเจกชนในปัจเจกภาวะ เมื่อมีโอกาสได้แสดงหลักทางสายกลาง จึงแสดงเน้นไปที่ทางสายกลางระดับโลกิยะ ซึ่งเราจะเรียกว่า “มัชฌิมาปฏิปทาระดับโลกิยะ” ก็ได้ นี่เป็นประเด็นหนึ่งที่ผู้เขียนได้ตั้งเป็นปัญหาไว้ให้ผู้สนใจใฝ่คิดได้ทำการศึกษาค้นคว้าต่อไป

จุดประสงค์ในการแสดง

พระพุทธเจ้าทรงแสดงหลักมัชฌิมาปฏิปทามีจุดประสงค์ ๒ ประการ คือ
๑. เพื่อปฏิเสธแนวความคิดเชิงอภิปรัชญา ๒ ขั้ว คือ
๑.๑ ขั้วยืนยันสุดโต่ง ประกอบด้วยสัสสตทิฏฐิ (ความเห็นว่าเที่ยง) อัตถิกทิฏฐิ (ความเห็นว่ามีอยู่) การกเวทกาทิเอกัตตวาท (ความเชื่อว่าผู้ทำกับผู้เสวยเป็นสิ่งเดียวกัน) และการกเวทกาทินานัตตวาท (ความเห็นว่าผู้ทำกับผู้เสวยต่างสิ่งกัน)
๑.๒ ขั้วปฏิเสธสุดโต่ง ประกอบด้วยอุจเฉททิฏฐิ (ความเห็นว่าขาดสูญ) นัตถิกทิฏฐิ (ความเห็นว่าไม่มีอยู่) การกเวทกาทินานัตตวาท (ความเชื่อว่าผู้ทำกับผู้เสวยต่างสิ่งกัน)
๒. เพื่อปฏิเสธแนวความคิดเชิงจริยศาสตร์ ๒ ขั้ว คือ
๒.๑ กามสุขัลลิกานุโยค การหมกมุ่นในกาม การปฏิบัติโดยสนองตอบความต้องการของตัวเองด้วยสิ่งน่าใคร่น่าพอใจ
๒.๒ อัตตกิลมถานุโยค การปฏิบัติเคร่ง บีบรัดตัวเองให้ลำบากเพื่อไล่ความชั่วร้ายออกไปจากตัวเอง

พระพุทธเจ้าทรงแก้ปัญหาความขัดแย้งกันระหว่างพวกสัสสตวาทินกับพวกอุจเฉท วาทินโดยทรงแสดงหลักมัชเฌนธรรมในรูปแบบปฏิจจสมุปบาท ให้มองโลกและปรากฏการณ์ในรูปแบบการอิงอาศัยกันและกันเกิดขึ้น และทรงแก้ ปัญหาความขัดแย้งกันระหว่างพวกกามสุขัลลิกานุโยคกับพวกอัตตกิลมถานุโยค โดยทรงแสดงหลักมัชฌิมาปฏิปทาตั้งแต่ระดับพื้นฐานไปสู่ระดับสูงสุด ผู้ปฏิบัติอาจจะเริ่มแบบใดก็ได้ขึ้นอยู่กับอุปนิสัยจริตของแต่ละบุคคล ผู้มีราคจริตก็อาจจะเจริญอสุภกัมมัฏฐาน ผู้มีโมหจริตก็อาจจะเจริญอานาปานสติกัมมัฏฐาน ผู้มีโทสจริตก็อาจจะเจริญ เมตตาพรหมวิหาร เป็นต้น

อาริสโตเติลแสดงหลักทางสายกลางเพื่อจุดประสงค์อะไร ?

จริยศาสตร์อาริสโตเติลเป็นอันตวิทยา (Teleology) ซึ่งถือว่าการ เปลี่ยนแปลงของสิ่งทั้งปวงมีจุดหมายปลายทางที่แน่นอนอยู่ จุดหมายปลายทางนี้เป็นตัวกำหนดความเป็นไปของแต่ละสิ่ง (๑) จุดหมายระหว่างทาง เป็นจุดหมายเฉพาะหน้าที่มนุษย์ต้องการเพื่อผ่านไปสู่จุดหมายที่ไกลกว่านั้น (๒) จุดหมายปลายทาง เป็นจุดหมายที่เป็นจุดจบในตัวเองโดยไม่ต้องนำไปสู่จุดหมายอื่นต่อไป จุดหมายปลายทางของมนุษย์คือความดี ความดีคือความสุข การที่มนุษย์แสวงหาความดีก็เท่ากับพวกเขากำลังแสวงหาความสุขซึ่งเป็นจุดหมาย สูงสุดของชีวิต ความดีและความสุขเป็นเรื่องเดียวกันความสุขระดับสูงสุดในทรรศนะของอาริสโต เติลเป็นเรื่องความรู้สึกของวิญญาณ ไม่ใช่ของร่างกาย “ความสุขคือกิจกรรมของวิญญาณที่สอดคล้องกับคุณธรรมที่สมบูรณ์ คนที่มีความสุขคือคนที่ดำเนินชีวิตด้วยคุณธรรมที่สมบูรณ์” อาริสโตเติลจำแนกจุดหมายเป็น ๒ ประเภท คือ

พิจารณาจากรายละเอียดที่กล่าวมานี้ จะเห็นได้ว่าจุดประสงค์ของการแสดงหลักทางสายกลางของอาริสโตเติลไม่ได้มีอะไร อื่นนอกจากเพื่อให้สังคมดำเนินไปด้วยคุณธรรมสมบูรณ์ ผู้เขียนคิดว่าอาริสโตเติลไม่ได้มีจุดมุ่งหมายที่จะแย้งแนวความคิดของสำนัก อื่นโดยตรง แต่ในฐานะที่เป็นนักปรัชญาคนหนึ่งที่โดดเด่นอยู่ในยุคนั้น อาริสโตเติลก็ต้องแสดงทฤษฎีออกมาให้นักปรัชญาอื่นได้รู้จัก และด้วยจิตสำนึกรับผิดชอบต่อสังคม ก็ต้องแสดงหลักที่จะทำให้ชีวิตในสังคมอยู่ดีมีสุข

พระพุทธเจ้าแม้จุดประสงค์ที่ทรงแสดงหลักมัชฌิมาปฏิปทาเพื่อปฏิเสธทฤษฎีสุด โต่งดังกล่าวมาแล้ว แต่ก็ไม่ได้มีจุดประสงค์จะล้มล้าง แต่ทรงเสนอทางเลือกใหม่จากประสบการณ์ของพระองค์เอง พื้นฐานที่ทำให้ จริยศาสตร์ว่าด้วยทางสายกลางของอาริสโตเติลต่างจากหลักมัชฌิมาปฏิปทาในพระ พุทธศาสนาก็คือ แนวความคิดแบบเทวนิยมซึ่งอาริสโตเติลเรียกว่า “แบบ”(Form)และเป็นแบบบริสุทธิ์เป็นปฐมเหตุแห่งการเคลื่อนไหว แต่พระเจ้าในทรรศนะของอาริสโตเติลเป็นเพียงผู้ทำให้สรรพสิ่งเคลื่อนไหวโดย ที่ตัวเองไม่เคลื่อนไหว ไม่ได้เป็นผู้สร้างโลกเหมือนพระเจ้าในคริสตศาสนา http://www.watpaknam.org/knowledge/view.php?id=37
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ព្រះរាជ្យវង្សបន្ដពីព្រះបាទបក្សីចាំក្រុង

ដូចដែលយើងលើកយកមកអធិប្បាយខ្លះៗក្នុងជំពួកមុន ពង្សាវតារខ្មែរផ្សេងៗបានកត់ត្រាខុសអំពីគ្នា ចំនួន និង ឈ្មោះ
ព្រះរាជបុត្ររបស់ព្រះបាទបក្សីចាំក្រុង។ ពង្សាវតារសំដេចវាំងជួនបានសរសេរថា ព្រះម្នាងស្វាយ មហេសីព្រះមហាក្ស
ត្រ ក្នុងឆ្នាំវក ប្រសូត្របានបុត្រមួយព្រះអង្គព្រះនាម អលស្សរាជ្យ។

ព្រះបាទអលស្សរាជ

ក្រោយដែលព្រះបាទបក្សីចាំក្រុង ព្រះមហាក្សត្រខ្មែរទី១៩ ចូលទីវង្គត ព្រះរាជបុត្រព្រះអលស្សរាជ្យ បានឡើងសោយ
រាជ្យសម្បត្ដិប្រទេសកម្ពុជាបន្ដពីព្រះអង្គ។ ព្រះរាជអភិសេកបានរៀបចំឡើងយ៉ាងអ៊ឹកធឹក នៅមហានគរ នៅថ្ងៃ ១៣
កើត ខែបុស្ស ឆ្នាំកុរ ព.ស.១៦១៥ ត្រូវជា ម.ស.៩៩៣ ច.ស៤៣៣ និង ត្រូវជា គ.ស ១០៧១។ កាលនោះព្រះអង្គព្រះជ
ន្ម១៦វស្សា ព្រះអង្គជាព្រះមហាក្សត្រទី២០។ ព្រះអង្គទ្រង់មានព្រះបរមនាមថា ព្រះបាទសំដេច ព្រះអលស្ស វរោរង្សី
ជាតិក្សត្រាមហារាជាធិរាជ។ ស្ដេចអង្គនេះខ្ជិលណាស់ ដូច្នេះហើយបានជាប្រជានុរាស្ដ្រដាក់ឈ្មោះអោយថា «ស្ដេចកំ
ជិលផេះ» ក្នុងឆ្នាំជូតជាមួយនឹងព្រះនាងមៃ ព្រះអង្គបានព្រះរាជបុត្រមួយព្រះអង្គព្រះនាមវុឌ្ឍិយា ក្នុងឆ្នាំខាល ព្រះនាង
មៃប្រសូតបានបុត្រមួយព្រះអង្គទៀត ព្រះនាមសិង្ហកុមារ(១)។ ព្រះបាទអលស្សរាជ្យសោយរាជសម្បត្ដិប្រទេសកម្ពុជា
បាន៤១ឆ្នាំ ហើយបានចូលទីវង្គតនៅឆ្នាំថោះ ក្នុងព្រះជន្ម៥៦វស្សាដោយមានជំងឺយ៉ាងទំងន់។ ព្រះវុឌ្ឍិយា បុត្រច្បងរប
ស់ព្រះអលស្សរាជ្យ ត្រូវឡើងសោយរាជបន្ដពីបិតា។
១=ពង្សាវតារវត្ដទឹកវិលបានសរសេរថា អ្នកម្នាងវិសេសនារី មហេសីព្រះអលស្សរាជ្យ ប្រសូតបានបុត្រមួយព្រះនាម
ស្ដេចពាល ដែលនិយមចូលចិត្ដតែលេងល្បែងពាលា បរបាញ់ចាប់សត្វ ហើយខ្ជិលច្រអូស មិនព្រមរៀនសូត្រមុខវិជ្ជា
អ្វីទាំងអស់។ មិនតែប៉ុណ្ណោះ ពង្សាវតារវត្ដទឹកវិល បានសរសេរថែមទៀតថា គឺក្នុងរាជស្ដេចអលស្សរាជ្យ ដែលស្ដេច
លាវព្រះធម្មាអនុរថ បានមកមកដល់មហានគរ ទាមទារយកព្រះត្រៃបិដក និង ព្រះពុទ្ធរូបព្រះកែវមរកត។

ព្រះបាទ វុឌ្ឍិយា

ពិធីអភិសេកព្រះវុឌ្ឍិយា ជាព្រះមហាក្សត្រប្រទេសកម្ពុជា បានប្រារព្ធធ្វើនៅថ្ងៃជាពាលាល្អ ថ្ងៃ១១កើត ខែកត្ដិក ឆ្នាំជូ
ត ព.ស.១៦៥៥ ត្រូវជា ម.ស.១០៣៣ ច.ស ៤៧៣ និងត្រូវជា គ.ស.១១១១។ កាលនោះ ព្រះអង្គមានព្រះជន្ម ១៦វស្សា
ព្រះអង្គជាព្រះមហាក្សត្រខ្មែរទី២១ ព្រះអង្គបានទទួលព្រះគោរមនាមព្រះបាទសំដេចវុឌ្ឍិយាមហានគររិន្រ្ទ រាជានិរាជ
បរមបពិត្រ ព្រះរាជវាំងស្ថិតនៅមហានគរដដែល។

ព្រះបាទវុឌ្ឍិយា ព្រះអង្គនិយមចូលចិត្ដកំនាព្យកាព្យឃ្លោង របៀបពំនោលណាស់ ដែលជាហេតុធ្វើអោយអ្នកស្រុកអ្នក
ភូមិ ដាក់ព្រះនាមថ្វាយថា ស្ដេចពំនោល។ ចំនែកប្អូនរបស់ព្រះអង្គព្រះសិង្ហកុមារ ដែលតាំងតែពីនៅតូចជាកុមារ ចូល
ចិត្ដតែឆ្ងល់ ចោទជាសំនួរសួរដេញដោលត្រិះរិះពិចារណា មិនចេះចប់មិនចេះហើយ ត្រូវបានប្រជានុរាស្រ្ដដាក់ព្រះនា
មថ្វាយថា ស្ដេចក័ង្ខា រឺ ស្ដេចតាក្រែង។

ព្រះវុឌ្ឍិយា ព្រះអង្គពុំមានរាជបុត្រទេ សោយរាជសម្បត្ដិប្រទេសកម្ពុជាបាន៣៧ ឆ្នាំ ដោយសារមានជម្ងឺជាទំងន់ ព្រះម
ហាក្សត្រខ្មែរទី២០ បានចូលទីវង្គតនៅឆ្នាំថោះក្នុងព្រះជន្ម៥២វស្សា។ នាម៉ឺនមុខមន្រ្តីទាំងអស់គ្នា បានមូលមតិចុះសំរុង
ទៅសុំយាងព្រះសិង្ហកុមារ អោយឡើងសោយរាជ្យបន្ដអំពីបង។

ព្រះបាទសិង្ហក័ង្ហ

ថ្ងៃ១៣កើត ខែផល្គុនឆ្នាំថោះ ព.ស.១៦៩១ ត្រូវជា ម.ស.១០៦៨ ច.ស.៥០៩ និងត្រូវជា គ.ស.១១៤៧ ព្រះសិង្ហកុមារបា
នទទួលព្រះរាជអភិសេក ជាព្រះមហាក្សត្រខ្មែរទី២២ ព្រះអង្គទ្រង់មានព្រះជន្ម ៣៨វស្សា។ ព្រះគោរមនាមរបស់ព្រះ
អង្គគឺ ព្រះបាទសិង្ហក័ង្ហា មហារាជាធិរាជ។ ពង្សាវតារសំដេចវាំងជួនបានកត់សំគាល់ថា ស្ដេចអង្គនេះ នៅចំមុខបញ្ហានិ
មួយៗព្រះអង្គត្រិះរិះគិតពិចារណា វែកញែកល្អិតល្អន់គ្រប់ជ្រុងគ្រប់ជ្រោយ មិនដែលធ្វេសប្រហែស ដូច្នេះហើយអ្វី
ដែលព្រះអង្គសំរេចធ្វើមិនដែលខុសឡើយ។ ដោយសារគុណសម្បត្ដិនេះ ទើបបានគេនាំគ្នាថ្វាយព្រះនាមព្រះអង្គថា
ស្ដេចក្រែង រឺស្ដេចតាក្រែង។ ក្នុងឆ្នាំថោះ ព្រះមហេសីព្រះនាងពៅ ប្រសូត្របានព្រះរាជបុត្រមួយអង្គព្រះនាមសេនក្ក
រាជ។

ក្រោយដែលបានសោយរាជសម្បត្ដិប្រទេសកម្ពុជា បាន៤៩ឆ្នាំមក ព្រះបាទសិង្ហក័ង្ហា ទ្រង់ចូលទីវង្គត នៅឆ្នាំថោះ ក្នុង
ព្រះជន្ម ៨៦វស្សា ដោយជរាព្យាធិ ព្រះរាជបុត្រព្រះសេនក្ករាជ ត្រូវបាននាម៉ឺនមុខមន្រ្ដីតូចធំ គ្រប់ជាន់ថ្នាក់នាំគ្នាទៅ
សុំយាងអោយឡើងសោយរាជសម្បត្ដិប្រទេសកម្ពុជា បន្ដព្រះរាជវង្សពីព្រះបិតា។

កំនត់
១ – ក្នុងបញ្ហាកូនចៅរបស់ព្រះបាទបក្សីចាំក្រុង គណៈកម្មការៀបចំពង្សាវតារខ្មែរ ដឹកនាំដោយសំដេចសង្ឃនាយកទៀ
ង ដែលក្នុងនោះ មានសំដេចសង្ឃនាយកប៉ាន់ដែរ បានតាក់តែងសរសេរថា ព្រះអង្គមានព្រះរាជបុត្រមួយព្រះអង្គព្រះនា
មបទុមវង្ស ស្ដេចអង្គនេះដែលបានយាងទៅកំសាន្ដនៅទួលបាសាន បានជួបស្រលាញ់ និង រៀបការជាមួយនាងនាគ។
ព្រះអង្គប្រសូត្របានពង ដែលជាពញារោង និង បុត្រមួយព្រះអង្គទៀត ដែលមានភ្នែកទិព្វ គឺព្រះបាទបទុមសូរ្យវង្ស។
ព្រះបាទបទុមសូរ្យវង្ស បានមានព្រះរាជបុត្រមួយព្រះអង្គព្រះនាមស្ដេចកំជិលផេះ ស្ដេចអង្គនេះសោយរាជនគរខ្មែរបា
ន១៩០ ឆ្នាំ។

២ – ចំនែកអែពង្សាវតារវត្ដទឹកវិលវិញ ក៏បានកត់សំគាល់ដែរថា ស្ដេចកំជិលផេះជាកូនរបស់ព្រះបាទបទុមសូរ្យវង្សតែ
ព្រះបទុមសូរ្យវង្សជាកូនរបស់ព្រះបាទអាទិតវង្ស។ ព្រះបទុមសូរ្យវង្សជាមួយស្នំអែកអ្នកព្រះម៉ែនាងបទុមកេសរ បាន
ព្រះរាជបុត្រស្ដេចកំជិលក្នុងឆ្នាំវក ហើយក្នុងឆ្នាំចរ ព្រះនាងប្រសូត្របានព្រះរាជបុត្រមួយទៀត ព្រះនាមពញារាជ្យ។
ពង្សាវតារវត្ដទឹកវិលបានសរសេរថា ស្ដេចកំជិលផេះនេះខ្ជិលណាស់ គឺខ្ជិលតាំងតែពីដើរ ពីដេក ពីរៀនសូត្រ៘ និង
៘ ធំឡើងកាលណា ថ្ងៃមួយ ពួកនាមីនុំមីនាងបរិវាបាននាំទៅលេងក្រសាលក្នុងព្រៃ។ អស់កំលាំង ព្រះអង្គបានឈប់
សំរាកផ្ទំលង់លក់ក្រោមដើមជ្រៃមួយក្បែរមាត់ស្ទឹង ហេតុតែព្រះអង្គមានបុណ្យ ត្រូវឡើងគ្រងរាជ្យប្រទេសកម្ពុជា
ទេពតាក៏ជប់ដំនែងអោយចេញជាសត្វមួយ ហោះទៅយំដាក់ត្រចៀកស្ដេចកំជិលផេះ ព្រះអង្គខឹងខ្ញាល់ខ្លាំងណាស់ ចា
ប់សត្វនោះជាប់ ហើយហុចអោយក្រុមស្រីបរិវារ យកទៅអាំងចំអិនទុកថ្វាយព្រះអង្គសោយ។ សោយរួចកាលណាក្នុង
ពេលជាមួយគ្នានោះដែរ ទេវតាធ្វើអោយស្រក់ទឹកអំរិតមកលើព្រះអង្គ ភ្លាមមួយរំពេចនោះដែរ ពញាកំជិលផេះក៏
ចេះចាំស្ទាត់ គ្មានភ្លេចភ្លាត់អ្វីទាំងអស់ នូវគ្រប់ចំនេះវិជ្ជា ដោយមិនបាច់ខំប្រឹងប្រែងរៀនសូត្រ។

រីអែពញារាជ្យ ថ្ងៃក្រោយមក ត្រូវស្ដេចកំជិលផេះជាបង តែងតាំងអោយទៅគ្រប់គ្រងទឹកដីនៅកោះរិស្សីកែវ។ ព្រះ
អង្គមានព្រះគោរមនាម ចៅពញារាជមេត្រីដោយទទួលភារកិច្ចបន្ថែមពីព្រះមហាក្សត្រ ស្ដេចកំជិលផេះត្រូវថែរក្សា
ទំនុកបំរុងផ្គត់ផ្គង់ វត្ដអារាមទាំងប្រាំ និង ព្រះចេតីយដែលតំកល់ទុកព្រះអុណ្ណាលោម។ ដោយសារព្រះអង្គបានទទួលទឹក
អំរិតប្រក់ព្រំពីទេវតា ស្ដេចកំជិលផេះមានអាយុវែងយឺនយូរណាស់។ ព្រះអង្គសោយរាជ្យបាន១៩០ ឆ្នាំ ហើយសុគតក្នុង
ព្រះជន្ម២០៥វស្សា។

៣ – ម៉្យាងវិញទៀត តាមរយៈពង្សាវតារសំដេចវាំងជួន យើងកត់សំគាល់ឃើញថា ក្រោយពេលដែលព្រះមហាក្សត្រ
ចូលទីវង្គត នាម៉ឺនមុខមន្រ្ដីតូចធំនាំគ្នាទៅសុំយាងស្ដេចអោយឡើងសោយរាជ្យ ជាហេតុមួយ ដែលយើងមិនបានកត់សំ
គាល់ឃើញមានទេ ក្នុងរាជ្យក្សត្រអង្គមុនៗ ដូច្នេះយើងអាចចោតសួរថា តើនេះជារបៀបរបបជ្រើសរើសព្រះមហា
ក្សត្រ ក្នុងជំនាន់នោះមែន រឺ មួយគ្រាន់តែជាការបន្ថែមបញ្ចូលថ្មីរបស់អ្នកនិពន្ធ អោយស្របទៅតាមការវិវត្ដិរបស់
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Morality

5. Morality

The issue of Marx and morality poses a conundrum. On reading Marx's works at all periods of his life, there appears to be the strongest possible distaste towards bourgeois capitalist society, and an undoubted endorsement of future communist society. Yet the terms of this antipathy and endorsement are far from clear. Despite expectations, Marx never says that capitalism is unjust. Neither does he say that communism would be a just form of society. In fact he takes pains to distance himself from those who engage in a discourse of justice, and makes a conscious attempt to exclude direct moral commentary in his own works. The puzzle is why this should be, given the weight of indirect moral commentary one finds.

There are, initially, separate questions, concerning Marx's attitude to capitalism and to communism. There are also separate questions concerning his attitude to ideas of justice, and to ideas of morality more broadly concerned. This, then, generates four questions: (1) Did Marx think capitalism unjust?; (2) did he think that capitalism could be morally criticised on other grounds?; (3) did he think that communism would be just? (4) did he think it could be morally approved of on other grounds? These are the questions we shall consider in this section.

The initial argument that Marx must have thought that capitalism is unjust is based on the observation that Marx argued that all capitalist profit is ultimately derived from the exploitation of the worker. Capitalism's dirty secret is that it is not a realm of harmony and mutual benefit but a system in which one class systematically extracts profit from another. How could this fail to be unjust? Yet it is notable that Marx never concludes this, and in Capital he goes as far as to say that such exchange is ‘by no means an injustice’.

Allen Wood has argued that Marx took this approach because his general theoretical approach excludes any trans-epochal standpoint from which one can comment on the justice of an economic system. Even though one can criticize particular behaviour from within an economic structure as unjust (and theft under capitalism would be an example of this) it is not possible to criticise capitalism as a whole. This is a consequence of Marx's analysis of the role of ideas of justice from within historical materialism. That is to say, juridical institutions are part of the superstructure, and ideas of justice are ideological, and the role of both the superstructure and ideology, in the functionalist reading of historical materialism adopted here, is to stabilise the economic structure. Consequently, to state that something is just under capitalism is simply a judgement applied to those elements of the system that will tend to have the effect of advancing capitalism. According to Marx, in any society the ruling ideas are those of the ruling class; the core of the theory of ideology.

Ziyad Husami, however, argues that Wood is mistaken, ignoring the fact that for Marx ideas undergo a double determination in that the ideas of the non-ruling class may be very different from those of the ruling class. Of course it is the ideas of the ruling class that receive attention and implementation, but this does not mean that other ideas do not exist. Husami goes as far as to argue that members of the proletariat under capitalism have an account of justice which matches communism. From this privileged standpoint of the proletariat, which is also Marx's standpoint, capitalism is unjust, and so it follows that Marx thought capitalism unjust.

Plausible though it may sound, Husami's argument fails to account for two related points. First, it cannot explain why Marx never described capitalism as unjust, and second, it does not account for the distance Marx wanted to place between his own scientific socialism, and that of the utopian socialists who argued for the injustice of capitalism. Hence one cannot avoid the conclusion that the ‘official’ view of Marx is that capitalism is not unjust.

Nevertheless, this leaves us with a puzzle. Much of Marx's description of capitalism — his use of the words ‘embezzlement’, ‘robbery’ and ‘exploitation’ — belie the official account. Arguably, the only satisfactory way of understanding this issue is, once more, from G.A. Cohen, who proposes that Marx believed that capitalism was unjust, but did not believe that he believed it was unjust. In other words, Marx, like so many of us, did not have perfect knowledge of his own mind. In his explicit reflections on the justice of capitalism he was able to maintain his official view. But in less guarded moments his real view slips out, even if never in explicit language. Such an interpretation is bound to be controversial, but it makes good sense of the texts.

Whatever one concludes on the question of whether Marx thought capitalism unjust, it is, nevertheless, obvious that Marx thought that capitalism was not the best way for human beings to live. Here points made in his early writings remain present throughout his writings, if no longer connected to an explicit theory of alienation. The worker finds work a torment, suffers poverty, overwork and lack of fulfillment and freedom. People do not relate to each other as humans should.

Does this amount to a moral criticism of capitalism or not? In the absence of any special reason to argue otherwise, it simply seems obvious that Marx's critique is a moral one. Capitalism impedes human flourishing.

Marx, though, once more refrained from making this explicit; he seemed to show no interest in locating his criticism of capitalism in any of the traditions of moral philosophy, or explaining how he was generating a new tradition. There may have been two reasons for his caution. The first was that while there were bad things about capitalism, there is, from a world historical point of view, much good about it too. For without capitalism, communism would not be possible. Capitalism is to be transcended, not abolished, and this may be difficult to convey in the terms of moral philosophy.

Second, and perhaps more importantly, we need to return to the contrast between scientific and utopian socialism. The utopians appealed to universal ideas of truth and justice to defend their proposed schemes, and their theory of transition was based on the idea that appealing to moral sensibilities would be the best, perhaps only, way of bringing about the new chosen society. Marx wanted to distance himself from this tradition of utopian thought, and the key point of distinction was to argue that the route to understanding the possibilities of human emancipation lay in the analysis of historical and social forces, not in morality. Hence, for Marx, any appeal to morality was theoretically a backward step.

This leads us now to Marx's assessment of communism. Would communism be a just society? In considering Marx's attitude to communism and justice there are really only two viable possibilities: either he thought that communism would be a just society or he thought that the concept of justice would not apply: that communism would transcend justice.

Communism is described by Marx, in the Critique of the Gotha Programme, as a society in which each person should contribute according to their ability and receive according to their need. This certainly sounds like a theory of justice, and could be adopted as such. However it is possibly truer to Marx's thought to say that this is part of an account in which communism transcends justice, as Lukes has argued.

If we start with the idea that the point of ideas of justice is to resolve disputes, then a society without disputes would have no need or place for justice. We can see this by reflecting upon Hume's idea of the circumstances of justice. Hume argued that if there was enormous material abundance — if everyone could have whatever they wanted without invading another's share — we would never have devised rules of justice. And, of course, Marx often suggested that communism would be a society of such abundance. But Hume also suggested that justice would not be needed in other circumstances; if there were complete fellow-feeling between all human beings. Again there would be no conflict and no need for justice. Of course, one can argue whether either material abundance or human fellow-feeling to this degree would be possible, but the point is that both arguments give a clear sense in which communism transcends justice.

Nevertheless we remain with the question of whether Marx thought that communism could be commended on other moral grounds. There are certainly reasons to believe that Marx did not want to make moral assessments at all, for example, in the Communist Manifesto he writes that “communism abolishes … all religion and all morality, rather than constituting them on a new basis”. However, it may be that Marx here is taking morality in a rather narrow sense. On a broad understanding, in which morality, or perhaps better to say ethics, is concerning with the idea of living well, it seems that communism can be assessed favourably in this light. One compelling argument is that Marx's career simply makes no sense unless we can attribute such a belief to him. But beyond this we can be brief in that the considerations adduced in section 2 above apply again. Communism clearly advances human flourishing, in Marx's view. The only reason for denying that, in Marx's vision, it would amount to a good society is a theoretical antipathy to the word ‘good’. And here the main point is that, in Marx's view, communism would not be brought about by high-minded benefactors of humanity. Quite possibly his determination to retain this point of difference between himself and the Utopian socialists led him to disparage the importance of morality to a degree that goes beyond the call of theoretical necessity.Marx's Life and Works
The Early Writings
Economics
Theory of History
Morality

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Theory of History

4. Theory of History

Marx did not set out his theory of history in great detail. Accordingly, it has to be constructed from a variety of texts, both those where he attempts to apply a theoretical analysis to past and future historical events, and those of a more purely theoretical nature. Of the latter, the 1859 Preface to A Critique of Political Economy has achieved canonical status. However, The German Ideology, co-written with Engels in 1845, is a vital early source in which Marx first sets out the basics of the outlook of historical materialism. We shall briefly outline both texts, and then look at the reconstruction of Marx's theory of history in the hands of his philosophically most influential recent exponent, G.A. Cohen, who builds on the interpretation of the early Russian Marxist Plekhanov.

We should, however, be aware that Cohen's interpretation is not universally accepted. Cohen provided his reconstruction of Marx partly because he was frustrated with the existing Hegelian-inspired 'dialectical' interpretations of Marx associated especially with Louis Althusser, which he felt did not provide a rigorous account of Marx's views. However, some scholars believe that the interpretation that we shall focus on is faulty precisely for its lack of attention to the dialectic. One aspect of this criticism is that Cohen's understanding has a surprisingly small role for the concept of class struggle, which is often felt to be central to Marx's theory of history. Cohen's explanation for this is that the 1859 Preface, on which his interpretation is based, does not give a prominent role to class struggle, and indeed it is not explicitly mentioned. Yet this reasoning is problematic for it is possible that Marx did not want to write in a manner that would engage the concerns of the police censor, and, indeed, a reader aware of the context may be able to detect an implicit reference to class struggle through the inclusion of such phrases as “then begins an era of social revolution,” and “the ideological forms in which men become conscious of this conflict and fight it out”. Hence it does not follow that Marx himself thought that the concept of class struggle was relatively unimportant. Furthermore, when A Critique of Political Economy was replaced by Capital, Marx made no attempt to keep the 1859 Preface in print, and its content is reproduced just as a very much abridged footnote in Capital. Nevertheless we shall concentrate here on Cohen's interpretation as no other account has been set out with comparable rigour, precision and detail.

4.1 The German Ideology

In The German Ideology Marx and Engels contrast their new materialist method with the idealism which had characterised previous German thought. Accordingly, they take pains to set out the ‘premises of the materialist method’. They start, they say, from ‘real human beings’, emphasising that human beings are essentially productive, in that they must produce their means of subsistence in order to satisfy their material needs. The satisfaction of needs engenders new needs of both a material and social kind, and forms of society arise corresponding to the state of development of human productive forces. Material life determines, or at least ‘conditions’ social life, and so the primary direction of social explanation is from material production to social forms, and thence to forms of consciousness. As the material means of production develop, ‘modes of co-operation’ or economic structures rise and fall, and eventually communism will become a real possibility once the plight of the workers and their awareness of an alternative motivates them sufficiently to become revolutionaries.

4.2 1859 Preface

In the sketch of The German Ideology, all the key elements of historical materialism are present, even if the terminology is not yet that of Marx's more mature writings. Marx's statement in 1859 Preface renders much the same view in sharper form. Cohen's reconstruction of Marx's view in the Preface begins from what Cohen calls the Development Thesis, which is pre-supposed, rather than explicitly stated in the Preface. This is the thesis that the productive forces tend to develop, in the sense of becoming more powerful, over time. This states not that they always do develop, but that there is a tendency for them to do so. The productive forces are the means of production, together with productively applicable knowledge: technology, in other words. The next thesis is the primacy thesis, which has two aspects. The first states that the nature of the economic structure is explained by the level of development of the productive forces, and the second that the nature of the superstructure — the political and legal institutions of society— is explained by the nature of the economic structure. The nature of a society's ideology, which is to say the religious, artistic, moral and philosophical beliefs contained within society, is also explained in terms of its economic structure, although this receives less emphasis in Cohen's interpretation. Indeed many activities may well combine aspects of both the superstructure and ideology: a religion is constituted by both institutions and a set of beliefs.

Revolution and epoch change is understood as the consequence of an economic structure no longer being able to continue to develop the forces of production. At this point the development of the productive forces is said to be fettered, and, according to the theory once an economic structure fetters development it will be revolutionised — ‘burst asunder’ — and eventually replaced with an economic structure better suited to preside over the continued development of the forces of production.

In outline, then, the theory has a pleasing simplicity and power. It seems plausible that human productive power develops over time, and plausible too that economic structures exist for as long as they develop the productive forces, but will be replaced when they are no longer capable of doing this. Yet severe problems emerge when we attempt to put more flesh on these bones.

4.3 Functional Explanation

Prior to Cohen's work, historical materialism had not been regarded as a coherent view within English-language political philosophy. The antipathy is well summed up with the closing words of H.B. Acton's The Illusion of the Epoch: “Marxism is a philosophical farrago”. One difficulty taken particularly seriously by Cohen is an alleged inconsistency between the explanatory primacy of the forces of production, and certain claims made elsewhere by Marx which appear to give the economic structure primacy in explaining the development of the productive forces. For example, in The Communist Manifesto Marx states that: ‘The bourgeoisie cannot exist without constantly revolutionising the instruments of production.’ This appears to give causal and explanatory primacy to the economic structure — capitalism — which brings about the development of the forces of production. Cohen accepts that, on the surface at least, this generates a contradiction. Both the economic structure and the development of the productive forces seem to have explanatory priority over each other.

Unsatisfied by such vague resolutions as ‘determination in the last instance’, or the idea of ‘dialectical’ connections, Cohen self-consciously attempts to apply the standards of clarity and rigour of analytic philosophy to provide a reconstructed version of historical materialism.

The key theoretical innovation is to appeal to the notion of functional explanation (also sometimes called ‘consequence explanation’). The essential move is cheerfully to admit that the economic structure does indeed develop the productive forces, but to add that this, according to the theory, is precisely why we have capitalism (when we do). That is, if capitalism failed to develop the productive forces it would disappear. And, indeed, this fits beautifully with historical materialism. For Marx asserts that when an economic structure fails to develop the productive forces — when it ‘fetters’ the productive forces — it will be revolutionised and the epoch will change. So the idea of ‘fettering’ becomes the counterpart to the theory of functional explanation. Essentially fettering is what happens when the economic structure becomes dysfunctional.

Now it is apparent that this renders historical materialism consistent. Yet there is a question as to whether it is at too high a price. For we must ask whether functional explanation is a coherent methodological device. The problem is that we can ask what it is that makes it the case that an economic structure will only persist for as long as it develops the productive forces. Jon Elster has pressed this criticism against Cohen very hard. If we were to argue that there is an agent guiding history who has the purpose that the productive forces should be developed as much as possible then it would make sense that such an agent would intervene in history to carry out this purpose by selecting the economic structures which do the best job. However, it is clear that Marx makes no such metaphysical assumptions. Elster is very critical — sometimes of Marx, sometimes of Cohen — of the idea of appealing to ‘purposes’ in history without those being the purposes of anyone.

Cohen is well aware of this difficulty, but defends the use of functional explanation by comparing its use in historical materialism with its use in evolutionary biology. In contemporary biology it is commonplace to explain the existence of the stripes of a tiger, or the hollow bones of a bird, by pointing to the function of these features. Here we have apparent purposes which are not the purposes of anyone. The obvious counter, however, is that in evolutionary biology we can provide a causal story to underpin these functional explanations; a story involving chance variation and survival of the fittest. Therefore these functional explanations are sustained by a complex causal feedback loop in which dysfunctional elements tend to be filtered out in competition with better functioning elements. Cohen calls such background accounts ‘elaborations’ and he concedes that functional explanations are in need of elaborations. But he points out that standard causal explanations are equally in need of elaborations. We might, for example, be satisfied with the explanation that the vase broke because it was dropped on the floor, but a great deal of further information is needed to explain why this explanation works. Consequently, Cohen claims that we can be justified in offering a functional explanation even when we are in ignorance of its elaboration. Indeed, even in biology detailed causal elaborations of functional explanations have been available only relatively recently. Prior to Darwin, or arguably Lamark, the only candidate causal elaboration was to appeal to God's purposes. Darwin outlined a very plausible mechanism, but having no genetic theory was not able to elaborate it into a detailed account. Our knowledge remains incomplete to this day. Nevertheless, it seems perfectly reasonable to say that birds have hollow bones in order to facilitate flight. Cohen's point is that the weight of evidence that organisms are adapted to their environment would permit even a pre-Darwinian atheist to assert this functional explanation with justification. Hence one can be justified in offering a functional explanation even in absence of a candidate elaboration: if there is sufficient weight of inductive evidence.

At this point the issue, then, divides into a theoretical question and an empirical one. The empirical question is whether or not there is evidence that forms of society exist only for as long as they advance productive power, and are replaced by revolution when they fail. Here, one must admit, the empirical record is patchy at best, and there appear to have been long periods of stagnation, even regression, when dysfunctional economic structures were not revolutionised.

The theoretical issue is whether a plausible elaborating explanation is available to underpin Marxist functional explanations. Here there is something of a dilemma. In the first instance it is tempting to try to mimic the elaboration given in the Darwinian story, and appeal to chance variations and survival of the fittest. In this case ‘fittest’ would mean ‘most able to preside over the development of the productive forces’. Chance variation would be a matter of people trying out new types of economic relations. On this account new economic structures begin through experiment, but thrive and persist through their success in developing the productive forces. However the problem is that such an account would seem to introduce a larger element of contingency than Marx seeks, for it is essential to Marx's thought that one should be able to predict the eventual arrival of communism. Within Darwinian theory there is no warrant for long-term predictions, for everything depends on the contingencies of particular situations. A similar heavy element of contingency would be inherited by a form of historical materialism developed by analogy with evolutionary biology. The dilemma, then, is that the best model for developing the theory makes predictions based on the theory unsound, yet the whole point of the theory is predictive. Hence one must either look for an alternative means of producing elaborating explanation, or give up the predictive ambitions of the theory.

4.4 Rationality

The driving force of history, in Cohen's reconstruction of Marx, is the development of the productive forces, the most important of which is technology. But what is it that drives such development? Ultimately, in Cohen's account, it is human rationality. Human beings have the ingenuity to apply themselves to develop means to address the scarcity they find. This on the face of it seems very reasonable. Yet there are difficulties. As Cohen himself acknowledges, societies do not always do what would be rational for an individual to do. Co-ordination problems may stand in our way, and there may be structural barriers. Furthermore, it is relatively rare for those who introduce new technologies to be motivated by the need to address scarcity. Rather, under capitalism, the profit motive is the key. Of course it might be argued that this is the social form that the material need to address scarcity takes under capitalism. But still one may raise the question whether the need to address scarcity always has the influence that it appears to have taken on in modern times. For example, a ruling class's absolute determination to hold on to power may have led to economically stagnant societies. Alternatively, it might be thought that a society may put religion or the protection of traditional ways of life ahead of economic needs. This goes to the heart of Marx's theory that man is an essentially productive being and that the locus of interaction with the world is industry. As Cohen himself later argued in essays such as ‘Reconsidering Historical Materialism’, this may appear one-sided, and ignore other powerful elements in human nature. Such a criticism chimes with a criticism from the previous section; that the historical record may not, in fact, display the tendency to growth in the productive forces assumed by the theory.

4.5 Alternative Interpretations

Many defenders of Marx will argue that the problems stated are problems for Cohen's interpretation of Marx, rather than for Marx himself. It is possible to argue, for example, that Marx did not have a general theory of history, but rather was a social scientist observing and encouraging the transformation of capitalism into communism as a singular event. And it is certainly true that when Marx analyses a particular historical episode, as he does in the 18th Brumaire of Louis Napoleon, any idea of fitting events into a fixed pattern of history seems very far from Marx's mind. On other views Marx did have a general theory of history but it is far more flexible and less determinate than Cohen insists (Miller). And finally, as noted, there are critics who believe that Cohen's interpretation is entirely wrong-headed (Sayers).Marx's Life and Works
The Early Writings
Economics
Theory of History
Morality

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Economics

3. Economics

Capital Volume 1 begins with an analysis of the idea of commodity production. A commodity is defined as a useful external object, produced for exchange on a market. Thus two necessary conditions for commodity production are the existence of a market, in which exchange can take place, and a social division of labour, in which different people produce different products, without which there would be no motivation for exchange. Marx suggests that commodities have both use-value — a use in other words — and an exchange-value — initially to be understood as their price. Use value can easily be understood, so Marx says, but he insists that exchange value is a puzzling phenomenon, and relative exchange values need to be explained. Why does a quantity of one commodity exchange for a given quantity of another commodity? His explanation is in terms of the labour input required to produce the commodity, or rather, the socially necessary labour, which is labour exerted at the average level of intensity and productivity for that branch of activity within the economy. Thus the labour theory of value asserts that the value of a commodity is determined by the quantity of socially necessary labour time required to produce it. Marx provides a two stage argument for the labour theory of value. The first stage is to argue that if two objects can be compared in the sense of being put on either side of an equals sign, then there must be a ‘third thing of identical magnitude in both of them’ to which they are both reducible. As commodities can be exchanged against each other, there must, Marx argues, be a third thing that they have in common. This then motivates the second stage, which is a search for the appropriate ‘third thing’, which is labour in Marx's view, as the only plausible common element. Both steps of the argument are, of course, highly contestable.

Capitalism is distinctive, Marx argues, in that it involves not merely the exchange of commodities, but the advancement of capital, in the form of money, with the purpose of generating profit through the purchase of commodities and their transformation into other commodities which can command a higher price, and thus yield a profit. Marx claims that no previous theorist has been able adequately to explain how capitalism as a whole can make a profit. Marx's own solution relies on the idea of exploitation of the worker. In setting up conditions of production the capitalist purchases the worker's labour power — his ability to labour — for the day. The cost of this commodity is determined in the same way as the cost of every other; i.e. in terms of the amount of socially necessary labour power required to produce it. In this case the value of a day's labour power is the value of the commodities necessary to keep the worker alive for a day. Suppose that such commodities take four hours to produce. Thus the first four hours of the working day is spent on producing value equivalent to the value of the wages the worker will be paid. This is known as necessary labour. Any work the worker does above this is known as surplus labour, producing surplus value for the capitalist. Surplus value, according to Marx, is the source of all profit. In Marx's analysis labour power is the only commodity which can produce more value than it is worth, and for this reason it is known as variable capital. Other commodities simply pass their value on to the finished commodities, but do not create any extra value. They are known as constant capital. Profit, then, is the result of the labour performed by the worker beyond that necessary to create the value of his or her wages. This is the surplus value theory of profit.

It appears to follow from this analysis that as industry becomes more mechanised, using more constant capital and less variable capital, the rate of profit ought to fall. For as a proportion less capital will be advanced on labour, and only labour can create value. In Capital Volume 3 Marx does indeed make the prediction that the rate of profit will fall over time, and this is one of the factors which leads to the downfall of capitalism. (However, as pointed out by Marx's able expositor Paul Sweezy in The Theory of Capitalist Development, the analysis is problematic.) A further consequence of this analysis is a difficulty for the theory that Marx did recognise, and tried, albeit unsuccessfully, to meet also in Capital Volume 3. It follows from the analysis so far that labour intensive industries ought to have a higher rate of profit than those which use less labour. Not only is this empirically false, it is theoretically unacceptable. Accordingly, Marx argued that in real economic life prices vary in a systematic way from values. Providing the mathematics to explain this is known as the transformation problem, and Marx's own attempt suffers from technical difficulties. Although there are known techniques for solving this problem now (albeit with unwelcome side consequences), we should recall that the labour theory of value was initially motivated as an intuitively plausible theory of price. But when the connection between price and value is rendered as indirect as it is in the final theory, the intuitive motivation of the theory drains away. But even if the defender of the theory is still not ready to concede defeat, a further objection appears devastating. Marx's assertion that only labour can create surplus value is unsupported by any argument or analysis, and can be argued to be merely an artifact of the nature of his presentation. Any commodity can be picked to play a similar role. Consequently with equal justification one could set out a corn theory of value, arguing that corn has the unique power of creating more value than it costs. Formally this would be identical to the labour theory of value.

Although Marx's economic analysis is based on the discredited labour theory of value, there are elements of his theory that remain of worth. The Cambridge economist Joan Robinson, in An Essay on Marxian Economics, picked out two aspects of particular note. First, Marx's refusal to accept that capitalism involves a harmony of interests between worker and capitalist, replacing this with a class based analysis of the worker's struggle for better wages and conditions of work, versus the capitalist's drive for ever greater profits. Second, Marx's denial that there is any long-run tendency to equilibrium in the market, and his descriptions of mechanisms which underlie the trade-cycle of boom and bust. Both provide a salutary corrective to aspects of orthodox economic theory.Marx's Life and Works
The Early Writings
Economics
Theory of History
Morality

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The Early Writings

2. The Early Writings

The intellectual climate within which the young Marx worked was dominated by the influence of Hegel, and the reaction to Hegel by a group known as the Young Hegelians, who rejected what they regarded as the conservative implications of Hegel's work. The most significant of these thinkers was Ludwig Feuerbach, who attempted to transform Hegel's metaphysics, and, thereby, provided a critique of Hegel's doctrine of religion and the state. A large portion of the philosophical content of Marx's works written in the early 1840s is a record of his struggle to define his own position in reaction to that of Hegel and Feuerbach and those of the other Young Hegelians.

2.1 ‘On The Jewish Question’

In this text Marx begins to make clear the distance between himself and his radical liberal colleagues among the Young Hegelians; in particular Bruno Bauer. Bauer had recently written against Jewish emancipation, from an atheist perspective, arguing that the religion of both Jews and Christians was a barrier to emancipation. In responding to Bauer, Marx makes one of the most enduring arguments from his early writings, by means of introducing a distinction between political emancipation — essentially the grant of liberal rights and liberties — and human emancipation. Marx's reply to Bauer is that political emancipation is perfectly compatible with the continued existence of religion, as the contemporary example of the United States demonstrates. However, pushing matters deeper, in an argument reinvented by innumerable critics of liberalism, Marx argues that not only is political emancipation insufficient to bring about human emancipation, it is in some sense also a barrier. Liberal rights and ideas of justice are premised on the idea that each of us needs protection from other human beings. Therefore liberal rights are rights of separation, designed to protect us from such perceived threats. Freedom on such a view, is freedom from interference. What this view overlooks is the possibility — for Marx, the fact — that real freedom is to be found positively in our relations with other people. It is to be found in human community, not in isolation. So insisting on a regime of rights encourages us to view each other in ways which undermine the possibility of the real freedom we may find in human emancipation. Now we should be clear that Marx does not oppose political emancipation, for he sees that liberalism is a great improvement on the systems of prejudice and discrimination which existed in the Germany of his day. Nevertheless, such politically emancipated liberalism must be transcended on the route to genuine human emancipation. Unfortunately, Marx never tells us what human emancipation is, although it is clear that it is closely related to the idea of non-alienated labour, which we will explore below

2.2 ‘Contribution to a Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right, Introduction’

This work is home to the Marx's notorious remark that religion is the ‘opiate of the people’, and it is here that Marx sets out his account of religion in most detail. Just as importantly Marx here also considers the question of how revolution might be achieved in Germany, and sets out the role of the proletariat in bringing about the emancipation of society as a whole.

With regard to religion, Marx fully accepted Feuerbach's claim in opposition to traditional theology that human beings had created God in their own image; indeed a view that long pre-dated Feuerbach. Feuerbach's distinctive contribution was to argue that worshipping God diverted human beings from enjoying their own human powers. While accepting much of Feuerbach's account Marx's criticizes Feuerbach on the grounds that he has failed to understand why people fall into religious alienation and so is unable to explain how it can be transcended. Marx's explanation is that religion is a response to alienation in material life, and therefore cannot be removed until human material life is emancipated, at which point religion will wither away. Precisely what it is about material life that creates religion is not set out with complete clarity. However, it seems that at least two aspects of alienation are responsible. One is alienated labour, which will be explored shortly. A second is the need for human beings to assert their communal essence. Whether or not we explicitly recognize it, human beings exist as a community, and what makes human life possible is our mutual dependence on the vast network of social and economic relations which engulf us all, even though this is rarely acknowledged in our day-to-day life. Marx's view appears to be that we must, somehow or other, acknowledge our communal existence in our institutions. At first it is ‘deviously acknowledged’ by religion, which creates a false idea of a community in which we are all equal in the eyes of God. After the post-Reformation fragmentation of religion, where religion is no longer able to play the role even of a fake community of equals, the state fills this need by offering us the illusion of a community of citizens, all equal in the eyes of the law. But the state and religion will both be transcended when a genuine community of social and economic equals is created.

Of course we are owed an answer to the question how such a society could be created. It is interesting to read Marx here in the light of his third Thesis on Feuerbach where he criticises an alternative theory. The crude materialism of Robert Owen and others assumes that human beings are fully determined by their material circumstances, and therefore to bring about an emancipated society it is necessary and sufficient to make the right changes to those material circumstances. However, how are those circumstances to be changed? By an enlightened philanthropist like Owen who can miraculously break through the chain of determination which ties down everyone else? Marx's response, in both the Theses and the Critique, is that the proletariat can break free only by their own self-transforming action. Indeed if they do not create the revolution for themselves — guided, of course, by the philosopher — they will not be fit to receive it.

2.3 Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts

The Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts cover a wide range of topics, including much interesting material on private property and communism, and on money, as well as developing Marx's critique of Hegel. However, the manuscripts are best known for their account of alienated labour. Here Marx famously depicts the worker under capitalism as suffering from four types of alienated labour. First, from the product, which as soon as it is created is taken away from its producer. Second, in productive activity (work) which is experienced as a torment. Third, from species-being, for humans produce blindly and not in accordance with their truly human powers. Finally, from other human beings, where the relation of exchange replaces the satisfaction of mutual need. That these categories overlap in some respects is not a surprise given Marx's remarkable methodological ambition in these writings. Essentially he attempts to apply a Hegelian deduction of categories to economics, trying to demonstrate that all the categories of bourgeois economics — wages, rent, exchange, profit, etc. — are ultimately derived from an analysis of the concept of alienation. Consequently each category of alienated labour is supposed to be deducible from the previous one. However, Marx gets no further than deducing categories of alienated labour from each other. Quite possibly in the course of writing he came to understand that a different methodology is required for approaching economic issues. Nevertheless we are left with a very rich text on the nature of alienated labour. The idea of non-alienation has to be inferred from the negative, with the assistance of one short passage at the end of the text ‘On James Mill’ in which non-alienated labour is briefly described in terms which emphasise both the immediate producer's enjoyment of production as a confirmation of his or her powers, and also the idea that production is to meet the needs of others, thus confirming for both parties our human essence as mutual dependence. Both sides of our species essence are revealed here: our individual human powers and our membership in the human community.

It is important to understand that for Marx alienation is not merely a matter of subjective feeling, or confusion. The bridge between Marx's early analysis of alienation and his later social theory is the idea that the alienated individual is ‘a plaything of alien forces’, albeit alien forces which are themselves a product of human action. In our daily lives we take decisions that have unintended consequences, which then combine to create large-scale social forces which may have an utterly unpredicted effect. In Marx's view the institutions of capitalism — themselves the consequences of human behaviour — come back to structure our future behaviour, determining the possibilities of our action. For example, for as long as a capitalist intends to stay in business he must exploit his workers to the legal limit. Whether or not wracked by guilt the capitalist must act as a ruthless exploiter. Similarly the worker must take the best job on offer; there is simply no other sane option. But by doing this we reinforce the very structures that oppress us. The urge to transcend this condition, and to take collective control of our destiny — whatever that would mean in practice — is one of the motivating and sustaining elements of Marx's social analysis.

2.4 ‘Theses on Feuerbach’

The Theses on Feuerbach contain one of Marx's most memorable remarks: “the philosophers have only interpreted the world, the point is to change it” (thesis 11). However the eleven theses as a whole provide, in the compass of a couple of pages, a remarkable digest of Marx's reaction to the philosophy of his day. Several of these have been touched on already (for example, the discussions of religion in theses 4, 6 and 7, and revolution in thesis 3) so here I will concentrate only on the first, most overtly philosophical, thesis.

In the first thesis Marx states his objections to ‘all hitherto existing’ materialism and idealism. Materialism is complimented for understanding the physical reality of the world, but is criticised for ignoring the active role of the human subject in creating the world we perceive. Idealism, at least as developed by Hegel, understands the active nature of the human subject, but confines it to thought or contemplation: the world is created through the categories we impose upon it. Marx combines the insights of both traditions to propose a view in which human beings do indeed create — or at least transform — the world they find themselves in, but this transformation happens not in thought but through actual material activity; not through the imposition of sublime concepts but through the sweat of their brow, with picks and shovels. This historical version of materialism, which transcends and thus rejects all existing philosophical thought, is the foundation of Marx's later theory of history. As Marx puts it in the 1844 Manuscripts, ‘Industry is the real historical relationship of nature … to man’. This thought, derived from reflection on the history of philosophy, together with his experience of social and economic realities, as a journalist, sets the agenda for all Marx's future work.Marx's Life and Works
The Early Writings
Economics
Theory of History
Morality


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Marx's Life and Works

1. Marx's Life and Works
Karl Marx
Karl Marx was born in Trier, in the German Rhineland, in 1818. Although his family was Jewish they converted to Christianity so that his father could pursue his career as a lawyer in the face of Prussia's anti-Jewish laws. A precocious schoolchild, Marx studied law in Bonn and Berlin, and then wrote a PhD thesis in Philosophy, comparing the views of Democritus and Epicurus. On completion of his doctorate in 1841 Marx hoped for an academic job, but he had already fallen in with too radical a group of thinkers and there was no real prospect. Turning to journalism, Marx rapidly became involved in political and social issues, and soon found himself having to consider communist theory. Of his many early writings, four, in particular, stand out. ‘Contribution to a Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right, Introduction’, and ‘On The Jewish Question’, were both written in 1843 and published in the Deutsch-Französische Jahrbücher. The Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts, written in Paris 1844, and the ‘Theses on Feuerbach’ of 1845, remained unpublished in Marx's lifetime.

The German Ideology, co-written with Engels in 1845, was also unpublished but this is where we see Marx beginning to develop his theory of history. The Communist Manifesto is perhaps Marx's most widely read work, even if it is not the best guide to his thought. This was again jointly written with Engels and published with a great sense of excitement as Marx returned to Germany from exile to take part in the revolution of 1848. With the failure of the revolution Marx moved to London where he remained for the rest of his life. He now concentrated on the study of economics, producing, in 1859, his Contribution to a Critique of Political Economy. This is largely remembered for its Preface, in which Marx sketches out what he calls ‘the guiding principles’ of his thought, on which many interpretations of historical materialism are based. Marx's main economic work is, of course, Capital Volume 1, published in 1867, although Volume 3, edited by Engels, and published posthumously in 1894, contains much of interest. Finally, the late pamphlet Critique of the Gotha Programme (1875) is an important source for Marx's reflections on the nature and organisation of communist society.

The works so far mentioned amount only to a small fragment of Marx's opus, which will eventually run to around 100 large volumes when his collected works are completed. However the items selected above form the most important core from the point of view of Marx's connection with philosophy, although other works, such as the 18th Brumaire of Louis Napoleon (1852), are often regarded as equally important in assessing Marx's analysis of concrete political events. In what follows, I shall concentrate on those texts and issues which have been given the greatest attention within the Anglo-American philosophical literature.Marx's Life and Works
The Early Writings
Economics
Theory of History
Morality


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FOREWORD TO THE SECOND EDITION

Comrade Mao Tse-tung is the greatest Marxist-Leninist of our era. He has inherited, defended and developed Marxism-Leninism with genius, creatively and comprehensively and has brought it to a higher and completely new stage.

Mao Tse-tung's thought is Marxism-Leninism of the era in which imperialism is heading for total collapse and socialism is advancing to world-wide victory. It is a powerful ideological weapon for opposing imperialism and for opposing revisionism and dogmatism. Mao Tse-tung's thought is the guiding principle for all the work of the Party, the army and the country.

Therefore, the most fundamental task in our Party's political and ideological work is at all times to hold high the great red banner of Mao Tse-tung's thought, to arm the minds of the people throughout the country with it and to persist in using it to command every field of activity. The broad masses of the workers, peasants and soldiers and the broad ranks of the revolutionary cadres and the intellectuals should rcally master Mao Tse-tung's thought; they should all study Chairman Mao's writings, follow his teachings, act according to his instructions and be his good fighters.

In studying the works of Chairman Mao, one should have specific problems in mind, study and apply his works in a creative way, combine study with application, first study what must be urgently applied so as to get quick results, and strive hard to apply what one is studying. In order really to master Mao Tse-tung's thought, it is essential to study many of Chairman Mao's basic concepts over and over again, and it is best to memorize important statements and study and apply them repeatedly. The newspapers should regularly carry quotations from Chairman Mao relevant to current issues for readers to study and apply.

The experience of the broad masses in their creative study and application of Chairman Mao's works in the last few years has proved that to study selected quotations from Chairman Mao with specific problems in mind is a good way to learn Mao Tse-tung's thought, a method conducive to quick results.

We have compiled Quotations from Chairman Mao Tse-tung in order to help the broad masses learn Mao Tse-tung's thought more effectively. In organizing their study, units should select passages that are relevant to the situation, their tasks, the current thinking of their personnel, and the state of their work.

In our great motherland, a new era is emerging in which the workers, peasants and soldiers are grasping Marxism-Leninism, Mao Tse-tung's thought. Once Mao Tse-tung's thought is grasped by the broad masses, it becomes an inexhaustible source of strength and a spiritual atom bomb of infinite power. The large-scale publication of Quotations from Chairman Mao Tse-tung is a vital measure for enabling the broad masses to grasp Mao Tse-tung's thought and for promoting the revolutionization of our people's thinking. It is our hope that all comrades will learn earnestly and diligently, bring about a new nation-wide high tide in the creative study and application of Chairman Mao's works and, under the great red banner of Mao Tse-tung's thought, strive to build our country into a great socialist state with modern agriculture, modern industry, modern science and culture and modern national defence!

Lin Piao

December 16, 1966

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Mao Tse-Tung: Father of Chinese Revolution

By Fox Butterfield
Special to The New York Times

HONG KONG, Sept. 9--Mao Tse-tung, who began as an obscure peasant, died one of history's great revolutionary figures.

Born at a time when China was wracked by civil strife, beset with terrible poverty and encroached on by more advanced foreign powers, he lived to fulfill his boyhood dream of restoring it to its traditional place as a great nation. In Chinese terms, he ranked with Chin Shih-huang, the first Emperor, who unified China in 221 B.C., and was the man Chairman Mao most liked to compare himself to.

With incredible perseverance and consummately conceived strategy, he harnessed the forces of agrarian discontent and nationalism to turn a tiny band of peasants into an army of millions, which he led to victory throughout China in 1949 after 20 years of fighting. Along the way the army fought battles as big as Stalingrad and suffered through a heroic march as long as Alexander's.

Then, after establishing the Chinese People's Republic, Mao launched a series of sweeping, sometimes convulsive campaigns to transform a semifeudal, largely illiterate and predominantly agricultural country encompassing almost four million square miles and a fifth of the world's population into a modern, industrialized socialist state. By the time of his death China had manufactured its own nuclear bombs and guided missiles and had become a major oil producer.

With China's resurgence, Mao also charted a new course in foreign affairs, putting an end to a century of humiliation under the "unequal treaties" imposed by the West and winning new recognition and respect. Finally, in 1972, even the United States abandoned its 20 years of implacable hostility when President Richard M. Nixon journeyed to Peking, where he was received by a smiling Mao.

At the same time he brooked no opposition to his control. To consolidate his new regime in the early 50's he launched a campaign in which hundreds of thousands were executed. In the late 50's, despite criticism from other party leaders, he ordered the Great Leap Forward, ultimately causing widespread disruption and food shortages. Throughout his years in power he toppled one of his rivals after another in the party. In the Cultural Revolution he risked throwing the country into chaos.

While China achieved enormous economic progress under Mao, some critics felt his constant political campaigns and his emphasis on conformity finally reduced many Chinese to a dispirited, anxious mass ready to go along with the latest shift in the political wind.

Complex Figure

One of the most remarkable personalities of the 20th century, Mao was an infinitely complex man-- by turns shrewd and realistic, then impatient and a romantic dreamer, an individualist but also a strict disciplinarian. His motives seemed a mixture of the humanitarian and the totalitarian. He himself once commented that he was "part monkey, part tiger," and perhaps after all he was riven with the same contradictions he was fond of analyzing in the world around him.

A Chinese patriot, a combative revolutionary, a fervent evangelist, a Marxist theorist, a soldier, a statesman and poet, above all Mao was a moralist who deeply believed, as have Chinese since Confucius, that man's goodness must come ahead of his mere economic progress. Like many Chinese of the past 100 years, angered by the insults of imperialism, he wanted to tear China down to make it stronger. He envisioned creating in China an egalitarian, revolutionary utopia in which mass enthusiasm provided the motive force.

"I have witnessed the tremendous energy of the masses," Mao wrote in 1958 in the midst of the Great Leap Forward, one of his biggest but ultimately most disruptive campaigns. "On this foundation it is possible to accomplish any task whatsoever." The two sentences are a striking summary of his thought.

Unlike many great leaders, Mao never exercised, or sought, absolute control over day-to-day affairs. But the man who rose from humble beginnings in a Hunan village became virtually sovereign, if not a living god, to the 800 million Chinese. His very words were the doctrine of the state. Printed in millions of little red plastic-bound books as "Quotations from Chairman Mao Tse- tung,"they were taken to possess invincible magic properties.

Power, Prestige and Anxieties

Although Mao was a devoted Leninist who, like his Russian predecessor, stressed the need for a tightly organized and disciplined party, he came to cast himself above his party and sought to replace it with a personal cult when it thwarted him.

Despite awesome power and prestige, in the later years of his life--from about 1960 onward--he seemed obsessed by anxieties that the Chinese revolution was in danger of slipping back into the old elitism and bureaucratic ways of imperial China. This danger appeared all the greater, in his eyes, because of the concurrent development in the Soviet Union of what he termed "revisionism." In Mao's view, Nikita S. Krushchev's emphasis on material incentives to increase consumer- oriented production and the clear emergence of a privileged party elite were anathema. Looking at the problems in China, Mao complained in 1964, with perhaps characteristic exaggeration, "You can buy a branch secretary for a few packs of cigarettes, not to mention marrying a daughter to him."

To revitalize China, to cleanse the party and to insure that the revolution survived him, Mao launched the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in 1966. As he conceded later, it had consequences even he did not foresee.

Party Unity Undermined

Hundreds of thousands of youngsters were mobilized as Red Guards. Often unruly, given to fighting among themselves, they roamed the country and humiliated and chastised Mao's opponents in the party after his call to "bombard the headquarters." After two years of turmoil, economic disruption and even bloodshed, order was finally restored, with help from the increasingly powerful army under Lin Piao, then Minister of Defense, and some surviving party leaders of a less radical bent such as Prime Minister Chou En-lai.

But Mao had severely undermined the critical and long-standing unity of the party, forged in the 1930's during the epochal Long March--an anabasis of 6,000 miles that took the fledgling army over mountains, rivers and wastelands from Kiangsi, in South China, to Shensi, in the northwest. Foremost among those purged in the Cultural Revolution were Liu Shao-chi, head of state, and Teng Hsiao-ping, the Secretary General of the party, who were labeled "capitalist roaders." Mr. Liu, for years one of Mao's closest associates, had served as head of state since 1959, when Mao relinquished the post in order to give his potential successors more experience. Mao's only official post after that was Chairman of the Chinese Communist Party's Central Committee.

Marshal Lin, for his role in keeping the army behind Mao and his constant and fulsome praise, was termed "Comrade Mao Tse-tung's close comrade in arms and successor" and his inheritance was engraved in the 1969 party constitution. But Marshal Lin lasted only two years; according to the official version, he died in a plane crash in Mongolia in 1971 after trying to escape to the Soviet Union when his plot to kill Mao was discovered. Even more bizarre, Mao insisted in letters and speeches that have since reached the outside world that he had been suspicious of Marshal Lin as early as 1966 and had used him only to help get rid of Mr. Liu.

For several years after Marshal Lin's death, the redoubtable Mr. Chou, a master administrator and conciliator, helped the visibly aging Mao lead the country and embark on what seemed a sustained period of economic growth. But Mr. Chou's death from cancer in January 1976 left the daily leadership in the hands of Mr. Teng, the former party Secretary General whom Mr. Chou resurrected in 1973, evidently with Mao's approval, and installed as senior Deputy Prime Minister and likely successor.

An Even Quicker Fall

Mr. Teng then fell victim to Mao's suspicions even more quickly than had Mr. Liu and Marshal Lin. Only three months after Mr. Chou's demise, Mr. Teng was stripped of his posts, castigated once again as a "capitalist-roader within the party" and accused by Mao of misinterpreting his personal directives by overstressing economic development.

In these later years there were some who thought that Mao appeared as an aging autocrat, given more and more to whim. His invitation last winter to Mr. Nixon to revisit Peking, the scene of his greatest triumph as President, was viewed as a possible sign of a man becoming divorced from reality, though it was understandable in Chinese terms as a kind gesture to a good friend.

Mao made his last public appearance in 1971; in published photographs since then he often looked like a sick man. His apparent difficulty in controlling the movement of his hands and face and his slurred speech stirred speculation that he had suffered a stroke or had Parkinson's disease.

Yet he continued to receive a succession of foreign visitors in his book-lined study, sitting slouched down in a tartan-covered chair, and he apparently remained active in the political conflict that divided Peking. One of his last acts, it was said, was to select a final successor, Hua Kuo-feng, a relative unknown who had spent his early party career in Mao's home district, Hsiang-tan, in Hunan. Whether the two men had a close personal relationship was not clear.

Rift With Moscow

In recent years Mao had also been preoccupied with China's monumental quarrel with the Soviet Union, one of the pivotal developments of the postwar world. From the Chinese side the conflict was partly doctrinal, over Mao's concern that Soviet revisionism was a dangerous heresy that threatened to subvert the Chinese revolution. It was partly political and military, concerned with Mao's effort first to resist Moscow's domination of the Chinese party and later to defend against Soviet troops on China's border. It was partly territorial, over Peking's contention that Czarist Russia had annexed Chinese territory.

Although few outsiders perceived it until the quarrel surfaced in the early 1960's, it is clear now that the trouble had its origin in the earliest contact between the Chinese Communists and the Russians in the 1920's. It was a period when Mao and others in the newly organized Chinese party were groping for a way to power, and Stalin, from the distance of Moscow gave them orders that repeatedly led them into disaster.

Stalin and his representatives from the Communist International who served as advisers in China-- Mao dubbed them "imperial envoys"--first directed the Communists to ally with Chiang Kai-shek's Nationalists. Then, after Generalissimo Chiang turned on the Communists in 1927, massacring thousands, Stalin ordered the party to anticipate a "revolutionary upsurge" in the cities by the (largely nonexistent) proletariat.

Mao was shorn of his posts and power in the early 1930's as a result of direct Soviet interference. It was only after the Communists were forced to begin the Long March in 1934, after more errors in strategy, that Mao won command because of his genius for organizing and leading peasant guerrillas in a revolution in the countryside.

His First Journey Abroad

When Mao traveled triumphantly to Moscow--it was his first journey abroad--at the end of 1949, soon after setting up his government, he immediately ran into the first foreign policy crisis of the People's Republic of China in the form of a two-month argument with Stalin over terms of an aid agreement and Soviet concessions. Although Mao was to try the Soviet model of economic development, with its emphasis on heavy industry, for a few years, by the mid-1950's he came to have doubts about it, both for its utility in a basically agricultural country such as China and because of the bureaucratic, elitist and capitalistic tendencies--material incentives--it brought with it.

A series of events in the mid- and late-1950's turned this history of uneasy relations into bitter wrangling and eventually open armed clashes. First among these was Nikita S. Khrushchev's speech in 1956 denouncing Stalin for his brutality and personality cult. Mao, who by then envisioned himself as the world's major Marxist-Leninist thinker and revolutionary, was caught by surprise. He resented not being consulted, and he was put in an awkward position by revelations by Mr. Khrushchev, then the party leader.

There followed in rapid succession the evident Soviet complicity in the affair of Peng Teh-huai, the Chinese Defense Minister who was purged in 1959 after criticizing Mao for the chaos of the Great Leap Forward: Moscow's failure to support Peking in a border clash with India, the offshore islands crisis with Taiwan and Washington, and finally the abrupt withdrawal of all Soviet technicians in July 1960, canceling hundreds of agreements to build factories and other installations.

At the same time Mr. Krushchev labeled the Chinese leaders as madmen in a speech to the Rumanian Party congress, and Mao was soon to tell his colleagues that "the party and state leadership of the Soviet Union have been usurped by revisionists."

The conflict reached its climax in the winter of 1969, when Soviet and Chinese patrols clashed along the frozen banks of the Ussuri River. Thereafter the Russians continued to build up their army, navy and air force along the Chinese frontier until a fourth of their troops were stationed in the area.

Mao spent hours lecturing every visiting head of state on the danger of Soviet expansionism-- hegemonism, as he termed it. His belief that Soviet "social-imperialism" was the greatest threat to peace enabled him to take a more sanguine view of the United States and helped bring about the gradual improvement in relations after 1972.

An Austere Style

Although Mao commanded enormous authority--in 1955, in a casual talk with local officials, he overturned the provisions of the five-year plan fixed only a day before by the National People's Congress--he shunned the trappings of might. He seldom appeared in public, perhaps to preserve a sense of awe and mystery, and he eschewed fancy dress or medals, in conformity with the simple standard he himself had set during his guerrilla days. Whatever the occasion, he wore only a plain gray tunic buttoned to the neck and trousers to match that came to be called a Mao suit in the West and for a period in the 1970's became a fashion craze.

Edgar Snow, the American journalist who in 1936 became the first Westerner to meet Mao, felt that his style owed much to the simplicity, if not roughness and crudeness, of his peasant upbringing. He had the "personal habits of a peasant, plain speaking and plain living," Mr. Snow reported after a visit to the Communists' guerrilla headquarters in Shensi, near Yenan. Mao was completely indifferent to personal appearance; he lived in a two-room cave like other peasants "with bare, poor, map-covered walls." His chief luxury was a mosquito net, Mr. Snow found, and he owned only his blankets and two cotton uniforms.

"Mao's food was the same as everybody's, but being a Hunanese he had the southerner's ai-la, or love of pepper," Mr. Snow wrote. "He even had pepper cooked into his bread. Except for this passion, he scarcely seemed to notice what he ate."

In the classic "Red Star Over China," the first public account of Mao, Mr. Snow wrote that he found Mao "a gaunt, rather Lincolnesque figure, above average height for a Chinese, somewhat stooped, with a head of thick black hair grown very long, and with large searching eyes, a high- bridged nose and prominent cheekbones." The account continued: "My fleeting impression was of an intellectual face of great shrewdness."

"He appears to be quite free from symptoms of megalomania," Mr. Snow said--the cult of Mao would not begin until the first "rectification" campaign in 1942. But, Mr. Snow added, "he has a deep sense of personal dignity, and something about him suggests a power of ruthless decision."

Seeming Reserve and Aloofness

Agnes Smedley, another journalist who encountered Mao in Yenan at that time, felt that though he could communicate intensely with a few intimate friends, he remained on the whole reserved and aloof. "The sinister quality I had at first felt so strongly in him proved to be a spiritual isolation," she related. "As Chu Teh [the military commander] of the Red Army was loved, Mao Tse-tung was respected. The few who came to know him best had affection for him, but his spirit dwelt within himself, isolating him."

Other American visitors--diplomats, army officers and journalists--who trooped to Yenan in the 1940's during an optimistic interlude when Washington hoped to bring Mao and Chiang together to fight the Japanese, inevitably were impressed by Mao's obvious earnestness and by his willingness to sacrifice personal comfort for the pursuit of an idea. In these he contrasted all too clearly with the corruption and indifference of most Nationalist leaders.

Some of Mao's dedication, toughness and reserve may also have been the product of his bitter personal experiences along the road to power. His sister and his second wife, Yang Kai-hui, were executed in 1930 by General Chiang; a younger brother was killed fighting a rear-guard action during the Long March; another younger brother was executed in 1943 in Sinkiang, and Mao's eldest son was killed in the Korean War. Another son, according to Red Guard sources during the Cultural Revolution, was said to have gone mad because of the way he was brought up by a "bourgeois" family after his mother was executed.

Mao also had several close brushes with death. In 1927, when he was organizing peasants and workers in Hunan, he was captured by local pro-Kuomintang--that is, pro-Nationalist--militiamen, who marched him back to their headquarters to be shot. Just in sight of their office, Mao broke loose and fled into a nearby field, where he hid in tall grass until sunset.

"The soldiers pursued me, and forced some peasants to help them search for me," he related to Mr. Snow. "Many times they came very near, once or twice so close that I could almost have touched them, but somehow I escaped discovery. At last when it was dusk they abandoned the search."

Mindful of Cost to Family

He was certainly mindful of the cost of the revolution to his family and friends. In a talk in 1964 with Mao Yuan-hsin, the son of his executed brother, Mao recalled: "Very many members of our family have given their lives, killed by the Kuomintang and the American imperialists. You grew up eating honey, and thus far you have never known suffering. In the future, if you do not become a rightist, but rather a centrist, I shall be satisfied. You have never suffered--how can you be a leftist?"

Perhaps his losses contributed to Mao's attitude toward his enemies. Unlike Stalin, Mao never sought to put vast numbers of his opponents in the party to death. Instead, in a very Chinese, even Confucian, way, he believed in the power of education to reform them and sent them off to labor camps or the countryside for reindoctrination and redemption.

However, he did not cavil at killing those whom he considered true counterrevolutionaries. One of the first instances of this occurred in late 1930 in the small town of Futien, in the Communists' base area, which Mao had built up since 1927. In putting down a revolt by soldiers who challenged his rule, Mao had 2,000 to 3,000 officers and men executed. In the early 1950's, to consolidate the Communists' power, Mao launched a violent campaign against counterrevolutionaries. According to an estimate accepted by Stuart Schram, Mao's most careful and sensitive biographer, from a million to three million people, including landlords, nationalist agents and others suspected of being "class enemies," were executed.

"There is no evidence whatever," Mr. Schram wrote, that Mao "took pleasure in killing or torturing. But he has never hesitated to employ violence whenever he believed it necessary. No doubt, Mao regarded it all as a natural part of revolutionary struggle. He gave no quarter, and he asked for none."

As Mao himself put it, in one of the most celebrated passages in his writing, his 1927 "report of an investigation into the peasant movement":

"A revolution is not the same as inviting people to dinner or writing an essay or painting a picture or embroidering a flower; it cannot be anything so refined, so calm and gentle, or so 'mild, kind, courteous, restrained and magnanimous' [the virtues of Confucius as described by a disciple]. A revolution is an uprising, an act of violence whereby one class overthrows the authority of another. To put it bluntly, it was necessary to bring about a brief reign of terror in every rural area."

Little is known about Mao's personal life or habits, which he kept sheltered from the glare of publicity. He was an inordinate cigarette smoker, and during the Long March, when cut off from regular sources of supply, is said to have experimented by smoking various leaves. Perhaps because of his habit, his voice was husky and he coughed a good deal in later life.

He apparently liked to work 13 or 14 hours a day, and Mr. Snow found that he frequently stayed up until 2 or 3 in the morning reading and going over reports. Despite infirmity in his last years, Mao had an iron constitution that he consciously developed as a student in Changsha, the provincial capital of Hunan.

'No Time for Love or Romance'

In this Mao and his student friends--"a serious-minded little group" that "had no time for love or romance," Mao recalled--were trying to overcome the traditional Chinese prejudice that any physical labor or exercise was lower class. Mao himself was so much a product of this tradition that when the Chinese revolution of 1911 broke out and he joined the army for a few months in a burst of enthusiasm, he spent much of his salary of $7 a month to pay carriers to fetch his water since intellectuals did not do that kind of work.

Physical strength, courage and military prowess remained a basic theme of Mao's life. Even his first published writing, an essay written in 1917, was a plea that Chinese exercise more. "Our nation is wanting in strength," it began. "The military spirit has not been encouraged."

Whether, in another period--July 1966--Mao actually took his widely publicized swim in the Yangtze for 65 minutes is perhaps more a matter of legend than of fact. But his approach to swimming typified his dogged pursuit of an objective.

"I say that if you are resolved to do it, you can certainly learn, whether you are young or old." Mao once advised his principal military officers in discussing the need to improve themselves. "I will give you an example. I really learned to swim well only in 1954; previously I had not mastered it. In 1954, there was an indoor pool at Tsinghua University [in Peking]. I went there every day with my bag, changed my clothes, and for three months without interruption I studied the nature of water. Water doesn't drown people. Water is afraid of people."

Wide and Voracious Reader

A voracious reader, Mao enjoyed both the Chinese classics and novels he had devoured as a boy, and Western history, literature and philosophy, which he read in translation. He often impressed his visitors with an apt allusion to literature or a salty proverb, but he could be remarkably offhand and whimsical for the leader of a country. In the 1950's, when he was still head of state, he once greeted a particularly tall Western diplomat with the exclamation: "My God! As tall as that!"

Mao's informal style, his pithy and frequent use of Chinese metaphors and his transcendent charisma made him a natural leader for the masses of peasants. A Chinese writer observed that "Mao Tse-tung is fundamentally a character from a Chinese novel or opera."

In his later years Mao spent most of his time in his simple, yellowish residence inside Peking's Forbidden City, cut off from all but a small group of people. Some of these were female nurses who helped him walk; others were the three women interpreters who usually translated for him when there were foreign visitors. Given his difficult Hunan accent and speech problem, one of the women had to translate his words into comprehensible Mandarin Chinese.

Assigned to do that was Wang Hai-jung, whom some believed was his niece but others thought was the daughter of one of his favorite teachers. In any event, in the spring of 1976, after the downfall of Teng Hsiao-ping, Miss Wang and the two others were suddenly replaced without an announcement, stirring speculation that someone else in the entourage was jealous of their position.

In Classical Vein

For all the overwhelming changes Mao brought to China, the drama of how he and others at the top of the Communist hierarchy reached decisions seemed a tale from the Ming Dynasty court.

Who Mao's aides were, for example, who arranged his appointments, prepared documents for him to read and sign in his study behind the red velvet drapes, or carry his orders to the Central Committee--all this is not known outside China. One key figure in the mystery was certainly Chiang Ching, his fourth wife, an outspoken, sometimes vitriolic woman who claimed the mantle of his most faithful disciple.

Mao considered that he had been married only three times--his first wife was a peasant girl whom his parents married him to when he was only 14 and she was 20. He never lived with her, and as he told Mr. Snow, "I did not consider her my wife and at this time gave little thought to her."

His second wife, Yang Kai-hui, the woman executed in 1930, was the daughter of one of Mao's most influential teachers in Changsha. Yang Chang-chi, a professor of ethics. Professor Yang was to introduce the young Mao to Li Ta-chao, a brilliant nationalistic intellectual and writer in Peking who was one of the founders of the Communist movement in China.

Although Mao has sometimes been adjudged an ascetic man, bent only on the pursuit of revolution and power, he evidently could also be sentimental and romantic. In 1937, in reply to a commemorative poem written by a woman whose husband was a Communist leader killed in battle, Mao composed the following verse:
I lost my proud poplar, and you your willow, Poplar and willow soar lightly to the heaven of heavens. Wu Kang, asked what he has to offer, Presents them respectfully with cassia wine. The lonely goddess in the moon spreads her ample sleeves To dance for these faithful souls in the endless sky. Of a sudden comes word of the tiger's defeat on earth, And they break into tears of torrential rain.

The Poplar and the Willow

The official interpretation accompanying a later collection of Mao's poems points out that his second wife's surname means "poplar" while the name of the man killed in battle means "willow."

According to an ancient legend, Wu Kang, mentioned in the third line, had committed certain crimes in his search for immortality and was condemned to cut down a cassia tree on the moon. Each time he raises his ax the tree becomes whole again, and thus he must go on felling it for eternity. The tiger in the seventh line refers to the Kuomintang regime Mao was fighting, and, hence, the last couplet describes the emotion of Mao's lost companion at the final triumph of the revolution. The official interpretation found that the poem contained a "large element of revolutionary romanticism."

In 1928, while Mao's second wife was still alive and he was 35, he began living with an 18-year- old, Ho Tzu-chen. By some accounts she was a forceful character and a commander of a woman's regiment; she was also said to have been the daughter of a landlord. In any case she married Mao in 1930, after Miss Yang was executed, and later accompanied him on the perilous and exhausting Long March, one of the few women to take part. One of the five children she bore Mao was born on the march.

The rigors evidently broke her health, and not long after reaching the Communists' new base area in Yenan, in the northwest, she was sent to the Soviet Union for medical treatment. While she was away, there arrived in Yenan a minor movie actress from Shanghai, Lan Ping, who, in contrast to the plain-living and isolated Communists, must have seemed glamorous and attractive. According to one version, she came to Mao's notice after ostentatiously sitting in the front row at one of his lectures and clapping loudly. It was apparently love at first sight for Mao, and Miss Lan--with her name changed to Chiang Ching--was soon living in Mao's cave house.

Their affair reportedly angered some of Mao's colleagues, who felt that he had betrayed his faithful companion of the Long March, Miss Ho, a genuine Communist, for the seductive Miss Chiang. To win approval for their marriage Mao is said to have pledged that Miss Chiang would stay out of politics. This may have been the origin of the widespread suspicion of and distaste for her among party leaders that have dogged her since.

Cultural Revolution

Miss Chiang did keep a low profile for much of the next three decades, but in 1964, when Mao grew dissatisfied with the party and prepared to launch the Cultural Revolution, he turned to her as one of the few people he could trust.

She undertook a vigorous reform of the popular traditional opera and the movies, demanding that they inject heavy doses of "class struggle" into every performance and paint all heroes in the whitest whites and villains in the blackest blacks. She also lined up a leftist literary critic in Shanghai, Yao Wen-yuan, who was willing to write a scathing attack on a play, "Hai Jui Dismissed from Office," that was an allegorical criticism of Mao. The publication of the article in November 1965 in Shanghai--Mao could not get it printed in Peking, where his opponents were in control-- signaled the start of the Cultural Revolution.

Miss Chiang was soon promoted to a commanding position in the group Mao established to direct the Cultural Revolution, and she vastly increased her unpopularity by making stinging personal attacks on many leading officials.

When the Cultural Revolution subsided Miss Chiang's authority was reduced, but in the following years she continued to try to exert her influence. She may have been instrumental in the downfall of Mr. Teng early in 1976. He was accused among other crimes of failing to attend any of her model operas and of trying to cut off a state subsidy to her pet production brigade near Tientsin.

Not Even a Telephone Call

How Mao regarded his controversial wife is difficult to say. She once indicated to an American scholar, Roxane Witke, that she and Mao were not always close personally. In 1957, when Mao made his second trip to Moscow she happened to be there in the hospital but he neither stopped in to see her nor phoned, she related. Later, at the start of the Cultural Revolution, Mao wrote her a letter that is often cited by her detractors in the party.

"I think you also ought to pay attention to this problem," he wrote. "Don't be obsessed by victory. It is necessary to constantly remind ourselves of our own weaknesses, deficiencies and mistakes. I have on countless occasions reminded you of this. The last time was in April in Shanghai."

Although Miss Chiang had a reputation among Chinese for being rancorous and spiteful, Americans who met her during the visits to Peking by Presidents Nixon and Ford found her gay and vivacious. Miss Witke was impressed with her evident devotion to Mao's cause and felt she had suffered from being a woman in a world where men predominated.

Mao's apparent fondness for women and the checkered pattern of his married life contrasted sharply with the monotonous austerity and Puritanism he enforced since 1949. Romance is now frowned on as a decadent bourgeois idea and the age when women may marry has been pushed back to 25 and for men to 28.

Marriage was not the only instance of a certain willingness on Mao's part to bend the rules for himself. Though he insisted that all plays, novels, poems and paintings follow the often-stultifying code of socialist realism--"So far as we are concerned, art and literature are intended for the people," he said in talks at Yenan in 1942 that became the basis of a rigid artistic canon--he continued to write poetry as he chose, much of it in difficult classical forms with obscure allusions to the now-discredited Chinese classics. This contradiction, Mr. Schram, his biographer, noted, "seems to fill him with a mixture of embarrassment and pride."

Chinese Patriot

Looking into Mao's endlessly complex character, Mr. Schram concluded that he was fundamentally a Chinese patriot. Mao dated his attainment of "a certain amount of political consciousness" from the reading of a pamphlet in 1909, when he was 16, that deplored China's "loss" of Korea, Taiwan, Indochina, Burma and other tributary states. In 1936, speaking with Mr. Snow, Mao still recalled the opening sentence of the pamphlet: "Alas, China will be subjugated."

In Mao's case his native xenophobia was to be reinforced by his discovery of Leninism, in which imperialism was blamed for the backwardness of countries like China. But, Mr. Schram wrote, while Mao became "a deeply convinced Leninist revolutionary, and while the categories in which he reasons are Marxist categories, the deepest springs of his personality are, to a large extent, to be found in the Chinese tradition, and China's glory is at least as important to him as is world revolution."

Mr. Schram noted that in the closing years of Mao's life, he went so far as to subtly play down the importance of Marxism-Leninism in the Chinese revolution, envisioning it only as a storehouse of political techniques. This was in some ways a throwback to the views of 19th-century conservative Chinese imperial officials who wanted to strengthen China against the West but insisted that it borrow only Western "techniques" like gunboats and parliaments without bringing in "Western learning," which might subvert the Chinese essence. As Mao put it in 1965, consciously referring to the 19th-century formulation: "We cannot adopt Western learning as the substance. We can only use Western technology."

'Proletarian' Consciousness

Mao's contribution to Marxism-Leninism lay not in his theoretical writings, which were often plodding and in which he showed little interest himself, but in his Sinification of Marxism. When the Chinese Communists were floundering and faced extinction because of their orthodox concentration on the cities and the proletariat, Mao discovered the peasantry. He succeeded in imposing a party organized along tight Leninist lines and, animated by certain basic Marxist tenets, on a largely peasant base.

With suitable indoctrination, as Mao saw it, both the Chinese peasantry and Chinese intellectuals, who made up much of the party's leadership, could develop a "proletarian" consciousness. As Prof. Benjamin I. Schwartz of Harvard wrote in his pioneering study, "Chinese Communism and the Rise of Mao," it was "a heresy in act never made explicit in theory."

The other basic element in Mao's approach to revolution was his inordinate belief in the power of the human will to overcome material obstacles and his conception that the necessary energy to propel the revolution lay stored among the masses. The potential energy of the peasantry was borne home to him with sudden force in 1927, when he embarked on the investigation of the peasant movement in his home province that formed the basis of his famous report. The liberation Mao found at work in village after village, with peasants overthrowing their landlords, had an enormous impact on him.

Beginning with these two basic insights--the importance of the peasantry to revolution in China and the power of the human will--Mao went on to elaborate the strategy and tactics for the entire revolution. First, he recognized the importance of winning the support of the people, who were, as he put it in his widely quoted formulation, like the ocean in which the guerrillas must swim like fish. Talking with Andre Malraux in 1964, Mao related: "You must realize that before us, among the masses, no one had addressed themselves to women or to the young. Nor, of course, to the peasants. For the first time in their lives, every one of them felt involved."

Careful Rules of Behavior

Similarly, to keep the allegiance of his guerrilla fighters, who received no pay and often inadequate food and weapons, Mao developed careful rules of behavior.

"The reason why the Red Army has been able to carry on in spite of such poor material conditions and such frequent engagements," he wrote, "is its practice of democracy. The officers do not beat the men; officers and men receive equal treatment; soldiers are free to hold meetings and to speak out; trivial formalities have been done away with; and the accounts are open for all to inspect. The soldiers handle the mess arrangements. All this gives great satisfaction to the soldiers."

For military tactics Mao drew on his boyhood reading of China's classic swashbuckling novels such as "The Romance of the Three Kingdoms" and "The Water Margin," which described in vivid detail the exploits and strategems of ancient warriors and bandits. Not surprisingly Mao's military tactics--which were to be an important role in Vietnam--bore a close resemblance to those of Sun Tzu, the military writer of the fifth century B.C.

The basic problem was to find a way for a guerrilla force to overcome General Chiang's much larger and better equipped army. To this end Mao revised two principles--concentration of force so that he attacked only when he had a numerical advantage, and surprise.

"We use the few to defeat the many. That is no longer a secret, and in general the enemy is now well acquainted with our method. But he can neither prevent our victories nor avoid his own losses, because he does not know when and where we shall act. This we keep secret. The Red Army generally operates by surprise attacks."

Slogan for the Troops

Mao's military precepts were summed up in a four-line slogan his troops memorized:

"The enemy advances; we retreat." "The enemy camps; we harass." "The enemy tires; we attack." "The enemy retreats; we pursue."

To these Mao was to add the concept of a base area where his guerrillas could rest and replenish their supplies, and from which, over time, they could expand. In the end, this strategy led to victory.

The Moment of Victory

The supreme moment came on Oct. 1, 1949, when Mao, at age 54, stood on the high balcony of Tien An Men, the Gage of Heavenly Peace in Peking through which tribute-bearers had once come to prostrate themselves before the emperors, and proclaimed the People's Republic of China.

Processions had filled the square in front of the scarlet brass-studded gate. The air was chilly with the wind from the Gobi. Mao, wearing a drab cloth cap and a worn tunic and trousers, had Mr. Chou and Marshal Chu with him. Below them the immense throng shouted: "May Mao Tse-tung live 10,000 years!"

Suddenly there came a hush. Sliding up the immense white staff in the square was a small bundle that cracked open as it neared the top to reveal a flag 30 feet broad, blood red, with five yellow stars in the upper left quadrant. Guns reared in salute. On cue the crowd broke out in the new national anthem, and Mao stepped to the microphone amid more cheers.

"The Central Governing Council of the People's Republic of China today assumes power in Peking," he announced. A week before, speaking to the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, he said: "Our nation will never again be an insulted nation. We have stood up. Let the domestic and foreign reactionaries tremble before us."

His words came 28 years after he and 11 others founded the Chinese Communist Party in Shanghai. Its membership then was 52. "A small spark can start a prairie fire," Mao once said. It had.

Peasant Origins

Mao Tse-tung was born in a tile-roofed house surrounded by rice fields and low hills in Shaoshan, a village in Hunan Province, in central China, on December 26, 1893. His father, Mao Jen-sheng, was a tall, sturdily built peasant, industrious and thrifty, despotic and high-handed. Through hard work, saving and some small trading he raised himself from being a landless former soldier to what his son later described as the status of a "rich peasant," though in the China of those days that hardly meant being wealthy.

Mao's mother, Wen Chi-mei, was a hardy woman who worked in the house and fields. A Buddhist, she exhibited a warm-hearted kindness toward her children much in contrast to her husband's patriarchal sterness. During famines, when her husband--he disapproved of charity--was not watching, she would give food to the poor who came begging.

The China into which Mao was born was a restive empire on the point of its final breakup, which came in 1911. Since the middle of the 19th century the ruling Ching Dynasty had been beset by rural uprisings, most notably the Taiping revolt in the 1860's, and by the encroachments of foreign powers that challenged China's traditional belief in its superiority.

The mandarins who governed on behalf of the emperor in Peking seemed helpless to stop either the internal decay or the foreign incursions. Corrupt, smug, the product of a rarified examination system based on the Confucian classics, they procrastinated. China had no industry, and its peasants, 85 percent of the population, were mired in poverty and ignorance, subject to the constant threat of starvation and extortionate demands by landlords.

In the Fields at Age 6

At age 6 Mao was set to work in the rice fields by his father, but because he wanted the youngster to learn enough characters to keep the family's accounts, he also sent him to the village primary school. The curriculum was the Confucian Analects, learned by rote in the old style. Mao preferred Chinese novels, "especially stories of rebellions," he later recalled, which he used to read in school, "covering them up with a classic when the teacher walked past."

At 13 Mao left the school, working long hours on the farm during the day and keeping the accounts at night. His father frequently beat Mao and his two younger brothers and gave them only the most meager food, never meat or eggs.

At this point there occurred an incident that Western writers have seized on as a seminal clue to Mao's later life. During a reception Mao's father began to berate him for being lazy and useless. Infuriated, he fled to a nearby pond, threatening to jump in. Eventually the quarrel was resolved by compromise when Mao agreed to kowtow--on one knee only--in exchange for his father's promise to stop the beatings. "Thus the war ended," Mao recalled, "and from it I learned that when I defended my rights by open rebellion my father relented, but when I remained meek and submissive he only cursed and beat me the more."

Some scholars have also noted the possible influence on Mao of growing up in Hunan. A subtropical region, its many rivers and mountains made it a favorite haunt for bandits and secret societies. Hunanese are also famed for their vigorous personalities and their political talents as well as their love of red pepper, and they have produced a disproportionate number of leaders in the 19th and 20th centuries.

Going to Another School

Although out of school, Mao retained his passion for reading in his spare time, and at 16, over his father's opposition, enrolled in a modern higher primary school nearby. It was at this school, in a busy market town, that Mao's real intellectual and political development began. In newspapers a cousin sent him he learned of the nationalistic late 19th-century reformers, and in a book, "Great Heroes of the World," he read about Washington and Napoleon (from his earliest days Mao was fascinated by martial exploits).

Most of his fellow students were sons of landlords, expensively dressed and genteel in manner. Mao had only one decent suit and generally went about in an old, frayed coat and trousers. Moreover, because he had been forced to interrupt his education for several years, he was much older than the others and towered above them. As a result this tall, ragged, uncouth "new boy" met with a mixture of ridicule and hostility. The experience may also have left its mark in his attitude toward the landlord class.

After a year wanderlust took Mao off to the provincial capital, Changsha, where he entered a junior high school. The year was 1911, the time of the overthrow of the Manchu Dynasty, and he was caught up in the political turmoil that swept the country. He cut off his pigtail, a rebellious act, and it was then that he joined a local army unit. After several more months of drifting and scanning classified ads in the press for opportunities, he spent half a year in the provincial library, where he read translations of Adam Smith's "Wealth of Nations," Darwin's "On the Origin of the Species" and Rousseau's "Social Contract." He also saw a map of the world for the first time.

In 1913 Mao enrolled in the provincial normal school in Changsha, where he received his last five years of formal education. Although it was really only a high school, its standards were high, and Mao was particularly influenced by his ethics teacher, Prof. Yang Chang-chi, whose daughter he was later to marry. Professor Yang, who had studied in Japan and Europe, advocated combining Western and Chinese ideas to prod China back to life. Through him Mao soon found himself in touch with the mainstream of intellectual life, which was then caught up in what was called the May 4th Movement, an explosive nationalistic effort to modernize Chinese culture.

His First Published Writing

It was at this time that Mao published his first writing, an article for the popular Peking Magazine Hsin Ching Nien, or New Youth, on the need for physical fitness to build military strength. He also began to display his genius for leadership, setting up a radical student group.

Having graduated from the normal school in 1918, Mao set off that fall for Peking. The timing was critical. It was a period when intellectuals were turning from one Western "ism" to another in search of the latest and most potent elixir to revive their nation. In Mao's case, as he later wrote, he arrived just when "the salvos of the October Revolution" in Russia were bringing Marxism to China.

Mao secured a menial job as a library assistant at Peking University under Li Ta-chao, who had published an influential article, "The Victory of Bolshevism," and who had just founded the first Marxist study society in China. Mao was still somewhat "confused, looking for a road," but he was becoming "more and more radical."

Early the next spring he left Peking for Shanghai, where he saw off some friends on their way to study in France; he was reluctant to go because of his lack of ability in foreign languages. Over the next two years he moved between Shanghai, Peking and Changsha, teaching part of the time and throwing himself into organizing radical student groups and editing two popular journals that were suppressed by the local warlord government.

A Tendency Toward Populism

One article he published at the time, "The Great Union of the Popular Masses," which held that the vast majority of Chinese were progressive and constituted a mighty force for change, reflected what Mr. Schram has called Mao's populist tendency. In the biographer's opinion, "this idea can be regarded as the bridge which led him from the relatively conservative and traditionalist nationalism of 1917 to a genuinely Marxist viewpoint."

In the fall of 1920 Mao copied the example of his former boss in Peking, Mr. Li, who had just established a small Communist group there, and formed one in Changsha. The following July Mao and the 11 other delegates met in Shanghai to form the Chinese party.

The first congress was forced by a police raid to flee from its original meeting place in a girls' school to a holiday boat on a nearby lake. Filled with a new sense of zeal, Mao returned to Hunan, where, in orthodox Marxist fashion, he set about organizing labor unions and strikes. He had found his true vocation as a revolutionary.

The embryonic party fell heavily under the influence of the Russians, who helped engineer an alliance between the Chinese Communists, and the much stronger Nationalists of Sun Yat-sen. Stalin's goals in this, as in all his later moves in China, did not necessarily coincide with those of the Chinese Communists, and herein lay the source of much of the later friction.

Stalin wanted first to secure a friendly buffer on his eastern flank, so had to avoid any upheaval that would invite Western intervention. Second, he sought control over the Chinese party. His policy of alliance worked well enough for the first few years, giving the Communists a chance to expand, but in 1927 it suddenly became a disaster when General Chiang, who had succeeded to leadership of the Nationalists in 1925, turned on the Communists and carried out his massacre.

Patriotism Near the Surface

Perhaps because of Mao's populism and his highly nationalistic feelings, he was one of the most enthusiastic supporters of the alliance. His patriotism was always near the surface.

Criticism of his dual role had a fortuitous result, eventually making him uncomfortable enough so that in 1925 he returned to his native village for a rest and, in the process, encountered a wave of peasant unrest. "Formerly, I had not fully realized the degree of class among the peasantry," he told Edgar Snow. From this time on Mao was to take a major interest in the peasantry--first lecturing at the Kuomintang's Peasant Movement training institute in Canton in 1926, then in early 1927 making his renowned inspection of the Hunanese countryside, and finally in the fall of 1927, after the Communists split with General Chiang, he led his small surviving band of supporters up into the Chingkang-shan Mountains to start the search for power all over again--on his terms.

Party Wrangling

The period from 1927 to 1935, when Mao finally won command of the party, was filled with complex wrangling over leadership and policy. The principal figures in the party, who remained in the security of the international settlement in Shanghai, and Stalin kept looking for a "revolutionary upsurge," and in accordance with conventional Marxist dogma planned attacks on cities. Mao, cut off in the countryside, was condemned for his peasant "deviation," though he was not often informed of the latest shifts in line or of his demotions until much later. Twice in 1927 and 1930, he was directed to lead attacks on cities, both ending in catastrophic defeats. Mao was to recall, "Long ago the Chinese Communists had first-hand experience of some of Stalin's mistakes."

The Chingkangshan area where Mao gradually worked out his own strategy was a storybook setting; a range of precipitous mountains on the border between Kiangsi and Hunan, it was an almost impregnable vastness populated only by a few simple villages and groups of bandits. By allying with these bandits and drawing on the peasants, whom he rewarded by reducing rents, Mao built his band of 1,000 soldiers into 100,000 by 1934. A capital was declared at Juichin, in southern Kiangsi.

Mao's very success proved his undoing. In 1931 the party Central Committee moved up to Kiangsi from Shanghai and proceeded to strip him of his posts in the party and army, with Mr. Chou replacing him as chief commissar in 1933. One of Mao's few steadfast supporters at this time was Mr. Teng, whom he was to oust from high position in 1976.

The loss of control was doubly grave because it coincided with the fifth of General Chiang's encirclement campaigns to wipe out the Communists. The previous efforts had failed in the face of Mao's tactics, withdrawing when outnumbered and then launching surprise attacks in overwhelming force on isolated units. Now the other Communist leaders tried the Nationalists head on, but General Chiang had 700,000 men--a seven-to-one advantage--and on the advice of a Nazi general, Hans von Steeckt, slowly strangled the Communists with a ring of barbed wire and machine-gun emplacements.

Flight Was the Only Answer

The only answer was flight. On Oct. 15, 1934, the main body of the Communist army broke through the Nationalist lines and headed southwest, beginning the Long March. Neither their destination nor their purpose was clear. Some thought of finding a new base area; others, including Mao, spoke of going north to fight the Japanese, who had been expanding farther and farther into China since 1931.

Of the 90,000 Communists who broke out, only 20,000 would eventually reach the new base area in Shensi, in the northwest, over a year and 6,000 miles later. For all its hardships, the Long March both saved and strengthened the Communists, giving them a legion of invincibility, a guerrilla ethic, a firm discipline and unity, and a new leader--Mao. He was finally given command after several more blunders along the march, when the army stopped at the remote town of Tsunyi, in Kweichow Province, in January 1935. Tsunyi had been captured without firing a shot by using a ruse straight out of "The Romance of the Three Kingdoms," involving captured Kuomintang uniforms and banners.

A New Party and a New State

In Yenan, just below the Great Wall, the area where Chinese civilization originally developed over 3,000 years before, Mao proceeded to build a new party and state fully in his own image. This was a critical period, for the ideas he worked out in Yenan he would turn back to nostalgically in the late 1950's and 60's, when he launched the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution. Among them were the sending of party cadres down to the countryside for ideological remolding and the stress on self-reliance, mutual aid teams on farms and popularized education.

His mood at this time was perhaps best suggested by his poem "Snow," written in February 1936 shortly after his arrival in the northwest. A ringing affirmation of his links with China's glorious past and his love for the land, it reads:
This is the scene in that northern land; A hundred leagues are sealed with ice, A thousand leagues of whirling snow On either side of the Great Wall One vastness is all you see. From end to end of the great river The rushing torrent is frozen and lost. The mountains dance like silver snakes. The highlands roll like waxen elephants, As if they sought to vie in height with the Lord of heaven, And on a sunny day See how the white-robed beauty is adorned with rouge, enchantment beyond compare. Lured by such great beauty in our landscape Innumerable heroes have rivaled one another to bow in homage. But alas, Chin Shin-huang and Han Wu-ti were rather lacking in culture, Tang Tai-tsung and Sung Tai-tsu had little taste for poetry, And Genghis Khan, the favorite son of heaven for a day, knew only how to bend his bow to shoot great vultures. Now they are all past and gone. To find heroes in the grand manner, We must look rather in the present.

Incarnation of Resistance

The most decisive stroke by Mao at this time was his genius in making the Communists the incarnation of Chinese resistance to the Japanese. The Japanese invasion, which began in 1931 in Manchuria and culminated in full-scale war in 1937, had provoked an enormous wave of popular resentment.

In the face of this, General Chiang continued to insist that his army would fight the Communists first and deal with the Japanese later. This strategy backfired in December 1936, when pro- Nationalist troops under Chang Hsueh-liang, the young warlord whom the Japanese had driven from Manchuria, kidnapped General Chiang at Sian, near the Communists' base area. He was released only after agreeing to a second united front with the Communists to fight the Japanese.

Although frictions were obvious from the start, the agreement gave Mao a badly needed breathing spell and the chance to expand Communist areas across the whole of North China under the guise of fighting the Japanese. For this the Communists were well prepared by their guerrilla training. By the end of the war in 1945, Communist troops, renamed the Eighth Route Army, had increased to a formidable force of a million men covering an area inhabited by 100 million people.

By an accident of history the Japanese invasion was to prove "perhaps the most important single factor in Mao's rise to power," Mr. Schram concluded in his biography.

Using this time of relative stability to read and write broadly, Mao systematized his thought. Several of his most important books and speeches were produced in the Yenan period, including "On Protracted War," "The Chinese Revolution and the Chinese Communist Party," "On New Democracy," and "On Practice" and "On Contradiction."

'Out of Barrel of a Gun'

One of his most-quoted speeches came in 1938:

"Every Communist must grasp the truth: 'Political power grows out of the barrel of a gun.' Our principle is that the party commands the gun, and the gun will never be allowed to command the party. But it is also true that with guns at our disposal we can really build up the party organization."

In 1942, to discipline the thousands of new officials the party was enrolling and to insure their fidelity to his thought, Mao launched the first rectification campaign. It was the beginning of thought reform, and it was also the start of the cult of Mao. He lent the cult a hand by ordering the study of his works. (In the Cultural Revolution he would promote an article praising his thought that he had helped compose.)

The rectification campaign had another purpose--to end what Mao saw as overreliance on Soviet guidance: "There is no such thing as abstract Marxism, but only concrete Marxism. What we call concrete Marxism is Marxism that has taken on a national form. Consequently the Sinification of Marxism--that is to say, making certain that in all of its manifestations it is imbued with Chinese peculiarities--becomes a problem that must be understood and solved by the whole party." It was a call for independence from Moscow.

For a brief time in 1944-45 Mao and Americans had a short-lived courtship. American diplomats and journalists who were allowed into Yenan at this time, when Washington hoped to bring the Communists and Nationalists together against the Japanese, were invariably impressed by Mao and his army's accomplishments. Mao, for his part, looked to the possibility of winning some of the United States aid that was flowing to General Chang for use against Tokyo.

"The work which we Communists are carrying on today is the very same work which was carried on earlier in America by Washington, Jefferson and Lincoln," said an encouraging editorial in the official party newspaper on July 4, 1944. But General Chiang's intransigence blocked all efforts in this direction.

When the war ended in 1945, Washington endeavored to play a dual role. On the one hand it helped General Chiang by continuing aid to him and airlifting thousands of his troops to occupy Japanese positions in Manchuria ahead of the advancing Communists. On the other hand it sponsored negotiations for a coalition government. At the urging of the Americans Mao flew to Chungking-- his first airplane flight--where he held 43 days of ultimately futile talks with General Chiang. In November 1945 President Harry S. Truman dispatched Gen. George C. Marshall to China as his special envoy; he would continue trying to arrange a cease-fire and coalition government until January 1947, but full-scale civil war had broken out early in 1946.

General Chiang was vastly overconfident. He had American backing, apparent neutrality on the part of Stalin, who was not eager to see Mao win, and a four-to-one numerical advantage. But his army was racked by corruption, punishing inflation and an incompetent officer corps in which promotion was based entirely on loyalty. The general war-weariness and hostility of the populace to the Nationalists also played a role.

By the middle of 1947 the Nationalists' advantage had been reduced to two to one, and by mid- 1948 the two sides were almost even. Nationalist generals began surrendering in packs, and within a year it was all over.

In Soviet Path

Over the next five years much of China's development followed the orthodox Soviet model. Mao had proclaimed in 1949 that henceforth China would "lean to one side" in cooperation with the Soviet Union, and so it seemed. The first five-year plan (1953-57) placed emphasis on heavy industry, centralized planning, technical expertise and a large defense buildup in the Soviet pattern. Several technical schools required courses in ballroom dancing, as the Russians had done since Peter the Great.

Part of this may have been the result of what Mao later maintained was his decision in 1949 to retreat to a "second line" and leave "day to-day work" to others. He did this, he said, "out of concern for state security and in view of the lessons of Stalin in the Soviet Union." "Many things are left to other people, so that other people's prestige is built up, and when I go to see God there won't be such a big upheaval in the state," he wrote. "It seems there are some things which the comrades in the first line have not managed too well."

Whatever the case, China was disrupted in 1950 by the Korean War. Although its exact origins are still obscure and controversial, the weight of evidence seems to indicate that it was basically a Soviet initiative and that Mao was not consulted. The war had terrible consequences for the new state. It prompted President Truman to order the defense of Taiwan, which General Chiang had retreated to in 1949; it froze Mao's relations with Washington for two decades; it cost tens of thousands of Chinese lives and funds urgently needed for reconstruction.

The war over, Mao began to grow impatient with the speed of China's development and the way socialism was being introduced. In 1955 he ordered an acceleration in the tempo of collectivization in the countryside. In a speech that July he seemed to be returning to his belief in the power of the human will to overcome material obstacles; it was a precursor of things to come:

"In China 1955 was the year of decision in the struggle between socialism and capitalism. The first half of 1955 was murky and obscured by dark clouds. But in the second half the atmosphere changed completely. Tens of millions of peasant households swung into action. It is as if a ranging tidal wave has swept away all the demons and ghosts."

Mao Shifting His Gears

If over the succeeding years China often appeared to follow a zigzag course, it must have been more than in part a result of shifting of gears as Mao alternated between his warlike, utopian outlook and his more prudent realism in the face of obvious economic difficulties.

In 1956, following Mr. Khrushchev's revelations of Stalin's excesses, the riots in Poland and the uprising in Hungary, Mao took a new tack and proclaimed the policy of "let a hundred flowers bloom." He hoped that some relaxation of tight controls would bring forth useful but limited criticism of the party to avert similar problems in China and at the same time encourage Chinese intellectuals to become good Communists. But he did not intend full-scale liberalization.

In a speech "On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People," in February 1957, Mao outlined his own typically two-sided or contradictory rationale for this. China should have both more freedom and more discipline, an impossibility in Western eyes but not to Mao who saw similar contradictions or dichotomies everywhere. He said, "If there were no contradictions and no struggle, there would be no world, no progress, no life, and there would be nothing at all."

The trick lay in analyzing contradictions correctly. As he put it in 1957: "Within the ranks of our people democracy stands in relation to centralism and freedom to discipline. They are two conflicting aspects of a single entity, contradictory as well as united, and we should not one-sidely emphasize one to the detriment of the other."

Mao's tendency to reason in this fashion owed much to the dialectics of Marxism, but it may also have had its origin in the Chinese theory of yin and yang, the two great alternating forces, which Mao absorbed as a boy.

Vast Outpouring of Criticism

When, contrary to Mao's expectation, the hundred flowers policy led to a vast outpouring of criticism that called the Communist Party itself into question, he quickly switched to the other side of his formula--discipline--and instituted a tough rectification campaign.

It was at this time that he made his second trip to Moscow in November 1957, and created a sensation by declaring that there was no need to fear nuclear war. "I said that if the worse came to the worst and half of mankind died, the other half would remain, while imperialism would be razed to the ground, and the whole world would become socialist: in a number of years there would be 2.7 billion people again and definitely more."

This accorded with his deeply held belief that men, not machines or weapons, were the decisive factor. In 1947, in an interview, he had declared: "The atom bomb is a paper tiger used by the U.S. reactionaries to scare people. It looks terrible, but in fact it isn't. Of course, the atom bomb is a weapon of mass slaughter, but the outcome of a war is decided by people, not by one or two new types of weapon." It was a guerrilla's view.

In Mao's recollection, this period, the winter of 1957-58, marked a great watershed in China. His misgivings about the Soviet Union had reached the breaking point, and he resolved to put an end to copying the Russians. He reached back to the wellsprings of his experience in Kiangsi and Yenan, re-emphasizing the countryside and the potential energy of the peasantry to overcome material obstacles. China was to make "a great leap forward." By reorganizing the peasants into communes, Mao would release their energy, vastly increase agricultural production and catch up with the West overnight. It was a vision, not a plan.

As Mao described it: "China's 600 million people have two remarkable peculiarities; they are, first of all, poor, and secondly blank. That may seem like a bad thing, but it is really a good thing. Poor people want change, want to do things, want revolution. A clean sheet of paper has no blotches, and so the newest and most beautiful words can be written on it."

All China went to work at a fever pitch. Peasants set up backyard blast furnaces to make their own steel, the symbol of industrialization. Cadres became dizzy with success and reported a 100 percent jump in agricultural production in a single year. A jingle by peasants in Hunan caught the mood:

"Setting up a people's commune is like going to heaven. The achievements of a single night surpass those of several millennia."

It was not so easy. Terrible dislocations ensued, food grew scarce and there was even some starvation. It took three years to restore the economy.

Leader Attacked

These steps led to the first serious challenge to Mao's leadership since the early 1930's. At a Central Committee meeting in the summer of 1959 at the mountain resort of Lushan, he was boldly criticized by Peng Teh-huai, then Minister of Defense. Under the impact of Mr. Peng's attacks, Mao became tense and irritable. "Now that you have said so much, let me say something, will you," he finally told the group. "I have taken sleeping pills three times, but I cannot to seep."

Candidly accepting some of the onus for the disaster, he declared: "The chaos was in a grand scale, and I take responsibility. I am a complete outsider when it comes to economic construction, and I understand nothing about industrial planning."

But with devasting tactical skill Mao also counterattacked and ousted Mr. Peng from his post. This done, Mao was satisfied to leave the running of China to others, and over the next few years concentrated on foreign affairs, particularly the growing quarrel with Moscow.

Foreign policy often seemed to swing almost as wildly as domestic political campaigns; from intervention in Korea to the Bandung (Indonesia) Conference and the five principles of peaceful coexistence, from calls for world revolution to President Nixon's trip and the Shanghai communique. Behind these shifts, scholars agree, it was Mao himself who made all the fundamental decisions, even if Mr. Chou was often China's ambassador to the world.

Moreover, underneath these swings Mao adhered to several deeply held ideas.

First, China would pursue a strictly defensive policy, it would not, for example, intervene in Vietnam. "Others may come and attack us, but we shall not fight outside our borders," Mao told the Central Committee, "I say we will not be provoked."

Helping Third World Revolts

Second, he was committed to supporting revolutionary movements in the third world. But with his penchant for reasoning in contradictions, he worked out a way of conducting correct diplomatic relations with a government at the same time as he aided Communist guerrillas dedicated to overthrowing it.

Third, Mao was dedicated to making China a great power again, and he recognized early that only by building it up economically and militarily would the imperialists, led by the United States, come to accept it. Time proved him right. In the mid-1970's, after the thaw in relations with the United States, China's formerly hostile neighbors in Southeast Asia followed suit.

At the same time Mao became increasingly obsessed with the Soviet Union, both as an external threat and as a heretical internal system that might subvert the Chinese revolution. After the 1959 encounter with Mr. Peng, Mao may have already felt that the party had betrayed him and was in the hands of the bureaucrats who wanted to follow the Soviet example of gradual growth based on a party elite, material incentives and heavy industry. In addition, Mao came to have doubts about China's youth; as he told Mr. Malraux in August 1965, "This youth is showing dangerous tendencies."

"Humanity, left to its own, does not necessarily re-establish capitalism, but it does re-establish inequality," he said. "The forces tending toward the creation of new classes are powerful."

"Revolution and children have to be trained if they are to be properly brought up," he added. "Youth must be put to the test."

The Test: Cultural Revolution

The test, which Mao launched that fall, was the Cultural Revolution. In many ways it was the longest culmination of his life, bringing together his favorite themes. "Once class struggle is grasped, miracles are possible," he remarked not long before the start of the Cultural Revolution in what might be his motto. The movement was also his ultimate revolt against the influence of the Soviet Union--its elitism and bureaucracy.

Mao remained uncertain of what would follow him. As he told Edgar Snow in 1965, in 1,000 years even Marx and Lenin might "appear rather ridiculous."

Last year, in a poem addressed to the dying Chou En-lai, he put it more poignantly:
Loyal parents who sacrificed so much for the nation Never feared the ultimate fate. Now that the country has become red, who will be its guardian? Our mission, unfinished, may take a thousand years. The struggle tires us, and our hair is gray.

The poem concludes: "You and I, old friends, can we just watch our efforts be washed away?"
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